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Plutarch Lives. Revised/translated by A. H. Clough. Revised from Dryden's version. Also known as “Parallel Lives”, written in Greek ~100 AD. Boston: Little, Brown and Company. 1859.

====== Plutarch: Life of Antony ======




The grandfather of Antony was the famous pleader, whom Marius
put to death for having taken part with Sylla.  His father was
Antony, surnamed of Crete, not very famous or distinguished in
public life, but a worthy, good man, and particularly remarkable
for his liberality, as may appear from a single example.  He was
not very rich, and was for that reason checked in the exercise
of his good-nature by his wife.  A friend that stood in need of
money came to borrow of him.  Money he had none, but he bade a
servant bring him water in a silver basin, with which, when it
was brought, he wetted his face, as if he meant to shave; and,
sending away the servant upon another errand, gave his friend
the basin, desiring him to turn it to his purpose.  And when
there was, afterwards, a great inquiry for it in the house, and
his wife was in a very ill humor, and was going to put the
servants one by one to the search, he acknowledged what he had
done, and begged her pardon.

His wife was Julia, of the family of the Caesars, who, for her
discretion and fair behavior, was not inferior to any of her
time.  Under her, Antony received his education, she being,
after the death of his father, remarried to Cornelius Lentulus.
who was put to death by Cicero for having been of Catiline's
conspiracy.  This, probably, was the first ground and occasion
of that mortal grudge that Antony bore Cicero.  He says, even,
that the body of Lentulus was denied burial, till, by
application made to Cicero's wife, it was granted to Julia.  But
this seems to be a manifest error, for none of those that
suffered in the consulate of Cicero had the right of burial
denied them.  Antony grew up a very beautiful youth, but, by the
worst of misfortunes, he fell into the acquaintance and
friendship of Curio, a man abandoned to his pleasures; who, to
make Antony's dependence upon him a matter of greater necessity,
plunged him into a life of drinking and dissipation, and led him
through a course of such extravagance, that he ran, at that
early age, into debt to the amount of two hundred and fifty
talents.  For this sum, Curio became his surety; on hearing
which, the elder Curio, his father, drove Antony out of his
house.  After this, for some short time, he took part with
Clodius, the most insolent and outrageous demagogue of the time,
in his course of violence and disorder; but, getting weary,
before long, of his madness, and apprehensive of the powerful
party forming against him, he left Italy, and traveled into
Greece, where he spent his time in military exercises and in the
study of eloquence.  He took most to what was called the Asiatic
taste in speaking, which was then at its height, and was, in
many ways, suitable to his ostentatious, vaunting temper, full
of empty flourishes and unsteady efforts for glory.

After some stay in Greece, he was invited by Gabinius, who had
been consul, to make a campaign with him in Syria, which at
first he refused, not being willing to serve in a private
character, but, receiving a commission to command the horse, he
went along with him.  His first service was against Aristobulus,
who had prevailed with the Jews to rebel.  Here he was himself
the first man to scale the largest of the works, and beat
Aristobulus out of all of them; after which he routed, in a
pitched battle, an army many times over the number of his,
killed almost all of them, and took Aristobulus and his son
prisoners.  This war ended, Gabinius was solicited by Ptolemy to
restore him to his kingdom of Egypt, and a promise made of ten
thousand talents reward.  Most of the officers were against this
enterprise, and Gabinius himself did not much like it, though
sorely tempted by the ten thousand talents.  But Antony,
desirous of brave actions, and willing to please Ptolemy, joined
in persuading Gabinius to go.  And whereas all were of opinion
that the most dangerous thing before them was the march to
Pelusium, in which they would have to pass over a deep sand,
where no fresh water was to be hoped for, along the Ecregma and
the Serbonian marsh (which the Egyptians call Typhon's
breathing-hole, and which is, in probability, water left behind
by, or making its way through from, the Red Sea, which is here
divided from the Mediterranean by a narrow isthmus), Antony,
being ordered thither with the horse, not only made himself
master of the passes, but won Pelusium itself, a great city,
took the garrison prisoners, and, by this means, rendered the
march secure to the army, and the way to victory not difficult
for the general to pursue.  The enemy, also, reaped some benefit
of his eagerness for honor.  For when Ptolemy, after he had
entered Pelusium, in his rage and spite against the Egyptians,
designed to put them to the sword, Antony withstood him, and
hindered the execution.  In all the great and frequent
skirmishes and battles, he gave continual proofs of his
personal valor and military conduct; and once in particular, by
wheeling about and attacking the rear of the enemy, he gave the
victory to the assailants in the front, and received for this
service signal marks of distinction.  Nor was his humanity
towards the deceased Archelaus less taken notice of.  He had
been formerly his guest and acquaintance, and, as he was now
compelled, he fought him bravely while alive, but, on his death,
sought out his body and buried it with royal honors.  The
consequence was that he left behind him a great name among the
Alexandrians, and all who were serving in the Roman army looked
upon him as a most gallant soldier.

He had also a very good and noble appearance; his beard was well
grown, his forehead large, and his nose aquiline, giving him
altogether a bold, masculine look, that reminded people of the
faces of Hercules in paintings and sculptures.  It was,
moreover, an ancient tradition, that the Antonys were descended
from Hercules, by a son of his called Anton; and this opinion he
thought to give credit to, by the similarity of his person just
mentioned, and also by the fashion of his dress.  For, whenever
he had to appear before large numbers, he wore his tunic girt
low about the hips, a broadsword on his side, and over all a
large, coarse mantle.  What might seem to some very
insupportable, his vaunting, his raillery, his drinking in
public, sitting down by the men as they were taking their food,
and eating, as he stood, off the common soldiers' tables, made
him the delight and pleasure of the army.  In love affairs,
also, he was very agreeable; he gained many friends by the
assistance he gave them in theirs, and took other people's
raillery upon his own with good-humor.  And his generous ways,
his open and lavish hand in gifts and favors to his friends and
fellow-soldiers, did a great deal for him in his first advance
to power, and, after he had become great, long maintained his
fortunes, when a thousand follies were hastening their
overthrow.  One instance of his liberality I must relate.  He
had ordered payment to one of his friends of twenty-five myriads
of money, or decies, as the Romans call it, and his steward,
wondering at the extravagance of the sum, laid all the silver in
a heap, as he should pass by.  Antony, seeing the heap, asked
what it meant; his steward replied, "The money you have ordered
to be given to your friend."  So, perceiving the man's malice,
said he, "I thought the decies had been much more; 't is too
little; let it be doubled."  This, however, was at a later time.

When the Roman state finally broke up into two hostile factions,
the aristocratical party joining Pompey, who was in the city,
and the popular side seeking help from Caesar, who was at the
head of an army in Gaul, Curio, the friend of Antony, having
changed his party and devoted himself to Caesar, brought over
Antony also to his service.  And the influence which he gained
with the people by his eloquence and by the money which was
supplied by Caesar enabled him to make Antony, first, tribune of
the people, and then, augur.  And Antony's accession to office
was at once of the greatest advantage to Caesar.  In the first
place, he resisted the consul Marcellus, who was putting under
Pompey's orders the troops who were already collected, and was
giving him power to raise new levies; he, on the other hand,
making an order that they should be sent into Syria to reinforce
Bibulus, who was making war with the Parthians, and that no one
should give in his name to serve under Pompey.  Next, when the
senators would not suffer Caesar's letters to be received or
read in the senate, by virtue of his office he read them
publicly, and succeeded so well, that many were brought to
change their mind; Caesar's demands, as they appeared in what he
wrote, being but just and reasonable.  At length, two questions
being put in the senate, the one, whether Pompey should dismiss
his army, the other, if Caesar his, some were for the former,
for the latter all, except some few, when Antony stood up and
put the question, if it would be agreeable to them that both
Pompey and Caesar should dismiss their armies.  This proposal
met with the greatest approval, they gave him loud acclamations,
and called for it to be put to the vote.  But when the consuls
would not have it so, Caesar's friends again made some new
offers, very fair and equitable, but were strongly opposed by
Cato, and Antony himself was commanded to leave the senate by
the consul Lentulus.  So, leaving them with execrations, and
disguising himself in a servant's dress, hiring a carriage with
Quintus Cassius, he went straight away to Caesar, declaring at
once, when they reached the camp, that affairs at Rome were
conducted without any order or justice, that the privilege of
speaking in the senate was denied the tribunes, and that he who
spoke for common fair dealing was driven out and in danger of
his life.

Upon this, Caesar set his army in motion, and marched into
Italy; and for this reason it is that Cicero writes in his
Philippics, that Antony was as much the cause of the civil war,
as Helen was of the Trojan.  But this is but a calumny.  For
Caesar was not of so slight or weak a temper as to suffer
himself to be carried away, by the indignation of the moment,
into a civil war with his country, upon the sight of Antony and
Cassius seeking refuge in his camp, meanly dressed and in a
hired carriage, without ever having thought of it or taken any
such resolution long before.  This was to him, who wanted a
pretense of declaring war, a fair and plausible occasion; but
the true motive that led him was the same that formerly led
Alexander and Cyrus against all mankind, the unquenchable thirst
of empire, and the distracted ambition of being the greatest man
in the world, which was impracticable for him, unless Pompey
were put down.  So soon, then, as he had advanced and occupied
Rome, and driven Pompey out of Italy, he purposed first to go
against the legions that Pompey had in Spain, and then cross
over and follow him with the fleet that should be prepared
during his absence, in the meantime leaving the government of
Rome to Lepidus, as praetor, and the command of the troops and
of Italy to Antony, as tribune of the people.  Antony was not
long in getting the hearts of the soldiers, joining with them in
their exercises, and for the most part living amongst them, and
making them presents to the utmost of his abilities; but with
all others he was unpopular enough.  He was too lazy to pay
attention to the complaints of persons who were injured; he
listened impatiently to petitions; and he had an ill name for
familiarity with other people's wives.  In short, the government
of Caesar (which, so far as he was concerned himself, had the
appearance of anything rather than a tyranny), got a bad repute
through his friends.  And of these friends, Antony, as he had
the largest trust, and committed the greatest errors, was
thought the most deeply in fault.

Caesar, however, at his return from Spain, overlooked the
charges against him, and had no reason ever to complain, in the
employments he gave him in the war, of any want of courage,
energy, or military skill.  He himself, going aboard at
Brundusium, sailed over the Ionian Sea with a few troops, and
sent back the vessels with orders to Antony and Gabinius to
embark the army, and come over with all speed into Macedonia.
Gabinius, having no mind to put to sea in the rough, dangerous
weather of the winter season, was for marching the army round by
the long land route; but Antony, being more afraid lest Caesar
might suffer from the number of his enemies, who pressed him
hard, beat back Libo, who was watching with a fleet at the mouth
of the haven of Brundusium, by attacking his galleys with a
number of small boats, and, gaining thus an opportunity, put on
board twenty thousand foot and eight hundred horse, and so set
out to sea.  And, being espied by the enemy and pursued, from
this danger he was rescued by a strong south wind, which sprang
up and raised so high a sea, that the enemy's galleys could make
little way.  But his own ships were driving before it upon a lee
shore of cliffs and rocks running sheer to the water, where
there was no hope of escape, when all of a sudden the wind
turned about to south-west, and blew from land to the main sea,
where Antony, now sailing in security, saw the coast all covered
with the wreck of the enemy's fleet.  For hither the galleys in
pursuit had been carried by the gale, and not a few of them
dashed to pieces.  Many men and much property fell into Antony's
hands; he took also the town of Lissus, and, by the seasonable
arrival of so large a reinforcement, gave Caesar great
encouragement.

There was not one of the many engagements that now took place
one after another in which he did not signalize himself; twice
he stopped the army in its full flight, led them back to a
charge, and gained the victory.  So that not without reason his
reputation, next to Caesar's, was greatest in the army.  And what
opinion Caesar himself had of him well appeared when for the
final battle in Pharsalia, which was to determine everything,
he himself chose to lead the right wing, committing the
charge of the left to Antony, as to the best officer of all that
served under him.  After the battle, Caesar, being created
dictator, went in pursuit of Pompey, and sent Antony to Rome,
with the character of Master of the Horse, who is in office and
power next to the dictator, when present, and in his absence is
the first, and pretty nearly indeed the sole magistrate.  For on
the appointment of a dictator, with the one exception of the
tribunes, all other magistrates cease to exercise any authority
in Rome.

Dolabella, however, who was tribune, being a young man and eager
for change, was now for bringing in a general measure for
canceling debts, and wanted Antony, who was his friend, and
forward enough to promote any popular project, to take part with
him in this step.  Asinius and Trebellius were of the contrary
opinion, and it so happened, at the same time, Antony was
crossed by a terrible suspicion that Dolabella was too familiar
with his wife; and in great trouble at this, he parted with her
(she being his cousin, and daughter to Caius Antonius, the
colleague of Cicero), and, taking part with Asinius, came to
open hostilities with Dolabella, who had seized on the forum,
intending to pass his law by force.  Antony, backed by a vote of
the senate that Dolabella should be put down by force of arms,
went down and attacked him, killing some of his, and losing some
of his own men; and by this action lost his favor with the
commonalty, while with the better class and with all well
conducted people his general course of life made him, as Cicero
says, absolutely odious, utter disgust being excited by his
drinking bouts at all hours, his wild expenses, his gross
amours, the day spent in sleeping or walking off his debauches,
and the night in banquets and at theaters, and in celebrating
the nuptials of some comedian or buffoon.  It is related that,
drinking all night at the wedding of Hippias, the comedian, on
the morning, having to harangue the people, he came forward,
overcharged as he was, and vomited before them all, one of his
friends holding his gown for him.  Sergius, the player, was one
of the friends who could do most with him; also Cytheris, a
woman of the same trade, whom he made much of, and who, when he
went his progress, accompanied him in a litter, and had her
equipage, not in anything inferior to his mother's; while every
one, moreover, was scandalized at the sight of the golden cups
that he took with him, fitter for the ornaments of a procession
than the uses of a journey, at his having pavilions set up, and
sumptuous morning repasts laid out by river-sides and in groves,
at his having chariots drawn by lions, and common women and
singing girls quartered upon the houses of serious fathers and
mothers of families.  And it seemed very unreasonable that
Caesar, out of Italy, should lodge in the open field, and, with
great fatigue and danger, pursue the remainder of a hazardous
war, whilst others, by favor of his authority, should insult the
citizens with their impudent luxury.

All this appears to have aggravated party quarrels in Rome, and
to have encouraged the soldiers in acts of license and rapacity.
And, accordingly, when Caesar came home, he acquitted Dolabella,
and, being created the third time consul, took, not Antony, but
Lepidus, for his colleague.  Pompey's house being offered for
sale, Antony bought it, and, when the price was demanded of him,
loudly complained.  This, he tells us himself, and because he
thought his former services had not been recompensed as they
deserved, made him not follow Caesar with the army into Libya.
However, Caesar, by dealing gently with his errors, seems to
have succeeded in curing him of a good deal of his folly and
extravagance.  He gave up his former courses, and took a wife,
Fulvia, the widow of Clodius the demagogue, a woman not born for
spinning or housewifery, nor one that could be content with
ruling a private husband, but prepared to govern a first
magistrate, or give orders to a commander-in-chief.  So that
Cleopatra had great obligations to her for having taught Antony
to be so good a servant, he coming to her hands tame and broken
into entire obedience to the commands of a mistress.  He used to
play all sorts of sportive, boyish tricks, to keep Fulvia in
good-humor.  As, for example, when Caesar, after his victory in
Spain, was on his return, Antony, among the rest, went out to
meet him; and, a rumor being spread that Caesar was killed and
the enemy marching into Italy, he resumed to Rome, and,
disguising himself, came to her by night muffled up as a servant
that brought letters from Antony.  She, with great impatience,
before she received the letter, asks if Antony were well, and
instead of an answer he gives her the letter; and, as she was
opening it, took her about the neck and kissed her.  This little
story of many of the same nature, I give as a specimen.

There was nobody of any rank in Rome that did not go some days'
journey to meet Caesar on his return from Spain; but Antony was
the best received of any, admitted to ride the whole journey
with him in his carriage, while behind came Brutus Albinus, and
Octavian, his niece's son, who afterwards bore his name and
reigned so long over the Romans.  Caesar being created, the
fifth time, consul, without delay chose Antony for his
colleague, but, designing himself to give up his own consulate
to Dolabella, he acquainted the senate with his resolution.  But
Antony opposed it with all his might, saying much that was bad
against Dolabella, and receiving the like language in return,
till Caesar could bear with the indecency no longer, and
deferred the matter to another time.  Afterwards, when he came
before the people to proclaim Dolabella, Antony cried out that
the auspices were unfavorable, so that at last Caesar, much to
Dolabella's vexation, yielded and gave it up.  And it is
credible that Caesar was about as much disgusted with the one as
the other.  When someone was accusing them both to him, "It is
not," said he, "these well fed, long-haired men that I fear, but
the pale and the hungry looking;" meaning Brutus and Cassius, by
whose conspiracy he afterwards fell.

And the fairest pretext for that conspiracy was furnished,
without his meaning it, by Antony himself.  The Romans were
celebrating their festival, called the Lupercalia, when Caesar,
in his triumphal habit, and seated above the Rostra in the
market-place, was a spectator of the sports.  The custom is,
that many young noblemen and of the magistracy, anointed with
oil and having straps of hide in their hands, run about and
strike, in sport, at everyone they meet.  Antony was running
with the rest; but, omitting the old ceremony, twining a garland
of bay round a diadem, he ran up to the Rostra, and, being
lifted up by his companions, would have put it upon the head of
Caesar, as if by that ceremony he were declared king.  Caesar
seemingly refused, and drew aside to avoid it, and was applauded
by the people with great shouts.  Again Antony pressed it, and
again he declined its acceptance.  And so the dispute between
them went on for some time, Antony's solicitations receiving but
little encouragement from the shouts of a few friends, and
Caesar's refusal being accompanied with the general applause of
the people; a curious thing enough, that they should submit with
patience to the fact, and yet at the same time dread the name as
the destruction of their liberty.  Caesar, very much discomposed
at what had past, got up from his seat, and, laying bare his
neck, said, he was ready to receive the stroke, if any one of
them desired to give it.  The crown was at last put on one of
his statues, but was taken down by some of the tribunes, who
were followed home by the people with shouts of applause.
Caesar, however, resented it, and deposed them.

These passages gave great encouragement to Brutus and Cassius,
who, in making choice of trusty friends for such an enterprise,
were thinking to engage Antony.  The rest approved, except
Trebonius, who told them that Antony and he had lodged and
traveled together in the last journey they took to meet Caesar,
and that he had
let fall several words, in a cautious way, on purpose to sound
him; that Antony very well understood him, but did not encourage
it; however, he had said nothing of it to Caesar, but had kept
the secret faithfully.  The conspirators then proposed that
Antony should die with him, which Brutus would not consent to,
insisting that an action undertaken in defense of right and the
laws must be maintained unsullied, and pure of injustice.  It
was settled that Antony, whose bodily strength and high office
made him formidable, should, at Caesar's entrance into the
senate, when the deed was to be done, be amused outside by some
of the party in a conversation about some pretended business.

So when all was proceeded with, according to their plan, and
Caesar had fallen in the senate-house, Antony, at the first
moment, took a servant's dress, and hid himself.  But,
understanding that the conspirators had assembled in the
Capitol, and had no further design upon anyone, he persuaded
them to come down, giving them his son as a hostage.  That night
Cassius supped at Antony's house, and Brutus with Lepidus.
Antony then convened the senate, and spoke in favor of an act of
oblivion, and the appointment of Brutus and Cassius to
provinces.  These measures the senate passed; and resolved that
all Caesar's acts should remain in force.  Thus Antony went out
of the senate with the highest possible reputation and esteem;
for it was apparent that he had prevented a civil war, and had
composed, in the wisest and most statesman-like way, questions
of the greatest difficulty and embarrassment.  But these
temperate counsels were soon swept away by the tide of popular
applause, and the prospects, if Brutus were overthrown, of being
without doubt the ruler-in-chief.  As Caesar's body was
conveying to the tomb, Antony, according to the custom, was
making his funeral oration in the market; place, and, perceiving
the people to be infinitely affected with what he had said, he
began to mingle with his praises language of commiseration, and
horror at what had happened, and, as he was ending his speech,
he took the under-clothes of the dead, and held them up,
showing them stains of blood and the holes of the many stabs,
calling those that had done this act villains and bloody
murderers.  All which excited the people to such indignation,
that they would not defer the funeral, but, making a pile of
tables and forms in the very market-place, set fire to it; and
everyone, taking a brand, ran to the conspirators' houses, to
attack them.

Upon this, Brutus and his whole party left the city, and
Caesar's friends joined themselves to Antony.  Calpurnia,
Caesar's wife, lodged with him the best part of the property, to
the value of four thousand talents; he got also into his hands
all Caesar's papers, wherein were contained journals of all he
had done, and draughts of what he designed to do, which Antony
made good use of; for by this means he appointed what
magistrates he pleased, brought whom he would into the senate,
recalled some from exile, freed others out of prison, and all
this as ordered so by Caesar.  The Romans, in mockery, gave
those who were thus benefited the name of Charonites, since, if
put to prove their patents, they must have recourse to the
papers of the dead.  In short, Antony's behavior in Rome was
very absolute, he himself being consul, and his two brothers in
great place; Caius, the one, being praetor, and Lucius, the
other, tribune of the people.

While matters went thus in Rome, the young Caesar, Caesar's
niece's son, and by testament left his heir, arrived at Rome
from Apollonia, where he was when his uncle was killed.  The
first thing he did was to visit Antony, as his father's friend.
He spoke to him concerning the money that was in his hands, and
reminded him of the legacy Caesar had made of seventy-five
drachmas to every Roman citizen.  Antony, at first, laughing at
such discourse from so young a man, told him he wished he were
in his health, and that he wanted good counsel and good friends,
to tell him the burden of being executor to Caesar would sit
very uneasily upon his young shoulders.  This was no answer to
him; and, when he persisted in demanding the property, Antony
went on treating him injuriously both in word and deed, opposed
him when he stood for the tribune's office, and, when he was
taking steps for the dedication of his father's golden chair, as
had been enacted, he threatened to send him to prison if he did
not give over soliciting the people.  This made the young Caesar
apply himself to Cicero, and all those that hated Antony; by
them he was recommended to the senate, while he himself courted
the people, and drew together the soldiers from their
settlements, till Antony got alarmed, and gave him a meeting in
the Capitol, where, after some words, they came to an
accommodation.

That night Antony had a very unlucky dream, fancying that his
right hand was thunderstruck.  And, some few days after, he was
informed that Caesar was plotting to take his life.  Caesar
explained, but was not believed, so that the breach was now made
as wide as ever; each of them hurried about all through Italy to
engage, by great offers, the old soldiers that lay scattered in
their settlements, and to be the first to secure the troops that
still remained undischarged.  Cicero was at this time the man of
greatest influence in Rome.  He made use of all his art to
exasperate people against Antony, and at length persuaded the
senate to declare him a public enemy, to send Caesar the rods
and axes and other marks of honor usually given to praetors, and
to issue orders to Hirtius and Pansa, who were the consuls, to
drive Antony out of Italy.  The armies engaged near Modena, and
Caesar himself was present and took part in the battle.  Antony
was defeated, but both the consuls were slain.  Antony, in his
flight, was overtaken by distresses of every kind, and the worst
of all of them was famine.  But it was his character in
calamities to be better than at any other time.  Antony, in
misfortune, was most nearly a virtuous man.  It is common enough
for people, when they fall into great disasters, to discern what
is right, and what they ought to do; but there are but few who
in such extremities have the strength to obey their judgment,
either in doing what it approves or avoiding what it condemns;
and a good many are so weak as to give way to their habits all
the more, and are incapable of using their minds.  Antony, on
this occasion, was a most wonderful example to his soldiers.
He, who had just quitted so much luxury and sumptuous living,
made no difficulty now of drinking foul water and feeding on
wild fruits and roots.  Nay, it is related they ate the very
bark of trees, and, in passing over the Alps, lived upon
creatures that no one before had ever been willing to touch.

The design was to join the army on the other side the Alps,
commanded by Lepidus, who he imagined would stand his friend, he
having done him many good offices with Caesar.  On coming up and
encamping near at hand, finding he had no sort of encouragement
offered him, he resolved to push his fortune and venture all.
His hair was long and disordered, nor had he shaved his beard
since his defeat; in this guise, and with a dark colored cloak
flung over him, he came into the trenches of Lepidus, and began
to address the army.  Some were moved at his habit, others at
his words, so that Lepidus, not liking it, ordered the trumpets
to sound, that he might be heard no longer.  This raised in the
soldiers yet a greater pity, so that they resolved to confer
secretly with him, and dressed Laelius and Clodius in women's
clothes, and sent them to see him.  They advised him without
delay to attack Lepidus's trenches, assuring him that a strong
party would receive him, and, if he wished it, would kill
Lepidus.  Antony, however, had no wish for this, but next
morning marched his army to pass over the river that parted the
two camps.  He was himself the first man that stepped in, and,
as he went through towards the other bank, he saw Lepidus's
soldiers in great numbers reaching out their hands to help him,
and beating down the works to make him way.  Being entered into
the camp, and finding himself absolute master, he nevertheless
treated Lepidus with the greatest civility, and gave him the title
of Father, when he spoke to him, and, though he had everything
at his own command, he left him the honor of being called
the general.  This fair usage brought over to him Munatius
Plancus, who was not far off with a considerable force.  Thus in
great strength he repassed the Alps, leading with him into Italy
seventeen legions and ten thousand horse, besides six legions
which he left in garrison under the command of Varius, one of
his familiar friends and boon companions, whom they used to call
by the nickname of Cotylon.

Caesar, perceiving that Cicero's wishes were for liberty, had
ceased to pay any further regard to him, and was now employing
the mediation of his friends to come to a good understanding
with Antony.  They both met together with Lepidus in a small
island, where the conference lasted three days.  The empire was
soon determined of, it being divided amongst them as if it had
been their paternal inheritance.  That which gave them all the
trouble was to agree who should be put to death, each of them
desiring to destroy his enemies and to save his friends.  But,
in the end, animosity to those they hated carried the day
against respect for relations and affection for friends; and
Caesar sacrificed Cicero to Antony, Antony gave up his uncle
Lucius Caesar, and Lepidus received permission to murder his
brother Paulus, or, as others say, yielded his brother to them.
I do not believe anything ever took place more truly savage or
barbarous than this composition, for, in this exchange of blood
for blood, they were equally guilty of the lives they
surrendered and of those they took; or, indeed, more guilty in
the case of their friends, for whose deaths they had not even
the justification of hatred.  To complete the reconciliation,
the soldiery, coming about them, demanded that confirmation
should be given to it by some alliance of marriage; Caesar
should marry Clodia, the daughter of Fulvia, wife to Antony.
This also being agreed to, three hundred persons were put to
death by proscription.  Antony gave orders to those that were to
kill Cicero, to cut off his head and right hand, with which he
had written his invectives against him; and, when they were
brought before him, he regarded them joyfully, actually bursting
out more than once into laughter, and when he had satiated
himself with the sight of them, ordered them to be hung up above
the speaker's place in the forum, thinking thus to insult the
dead, while in fact he only exposed his own wanton arrogance,
and his unworthiness to hold the power that fortune had given
him.  His uncle Lucius Caesar, being closely pursued, took
refuge with his sister, who, when the murderers had broken into
her house and were pressing into her chamber, met them at the
door, and, spreading out her hands, cried out several times,
"You shall not kill Lucius Caesar till you first dispatch me,
who gave your general his birth;" and in this manner she
succeeded in getting her brother out of the way, and saving his
life.

This triumvirate was very hateful to the Romans, and Antony most
of all bore the blame, because he was older than Caesar, and had
greater authority than Lepidus, and withal he was no sooner
settled in his affairs, but he returned to his luxurious and
dissolute way of living.  Besides the ill reputation he gained
by his general behavior, it was some considerable disadvantage
to him his living in the house of Pompey the Great, who had been
as much admired for his temperance and his sober, citizen-like
habits of life, as ever he was for having triumphed three times.
They could not without anger see the doors of that house shut
against magistrates, officers, and envoys, who were shamefully
refused admittance, while it was filled inside with players,
jugglers, and drunken flatterers, upon whom were spent the
greatest part of the wealth which violence and cruelty procured.
For they did not limit themselves to the forfeiture of the
estates of such as were proscribed, defrauding the widows and
families, nor were they contented with laying on every possible
kind of tax and imposition; but, hearing that several sums of
money were, as well by strangers as citizens of Rome, deposited
in the hands of the vestal virgins, they went and took the money
away by force.  When it was manifest that nothing would ever be
enough for Antony, Caesar at last called for a division of
property.  The army was also divided between them, upon their
march into Macedonia to make war with Brutus and Cassius,
Lepidus being left with the command of the city.

However, after they had crossed the sea and engaged in
operations of war, encamping in front of the enemy, Antony
opposite Cassius, and Caesar opposite Brutus, Caesar did nothing
worth relating, and all the success and victory were Antony's.
In the first battle, Caesar was completely routed by Brutus, his
camp taken, he himself very narrowly escaping by flight.  As he
himself writes in his Memoirs, he retired before the battle, on
account of a dream which one of his friends had.  But Antony, on
the other hand, defeated Cassius; though some have written that
he was not actually present in the engagement, and only joined
afterwards in the pursuit.  Cassius was killed, at his own
entreaty and order, by one of his most trusted freedmen,
Pindarus, not being aware of Brutus's victory.  After a few
days' interval, they fought another battle, in which Brutus lost
the day, and slew himself; and Caesar being sick, Antony had
almost all the honor of the victory.  Standing over Brutus's
dead body, he uttered a few words of reproach upon him for the
death of his brother Caius, who had been executed by Brutus's
order in Macedonia in revenge of Cicero; but, saying presently
that Hortensius was most to blame for it, he gave order for his
being slain upon his brother's tomb, and, throwing his own
scarlet mantle, which was of great value, upon the body of
Brutus, he gave charge to one of his own freedmen to take care
of his funeral.  This man, as Antony came to understand, did not
leave the mantle with the corpse, but kept both it and a good
part of the money that should have been spent in the funeral for
himself; for which he had him put to death.

But Caesar was conveyed to Rome, no one expecting that he would
long survive.  Antony, proposing to go to the eastern provinces
to lay them under contribution, entered Greece with a large
force.  The promise had been made that every common soldier
should receive for his pay five thousand drachmas; so it was
likely there would be need of pretty severe taxing and levying
to raise money.  However, to the Greeks he showed at first
reason and moderation enough; he gratified his love of amusement
by hearing the learned men dispute, by seeing the games, and
undergoing initiation; and in judicial matters he was equitable,
taking pleasure in being styled a lover of Greece, but, above
all, in being called a lover of Athens, to which city he made
very considerable presents.  The people of Megara wished to let
him know that they also had something to show him, and invited
him to come and see their senate-house.  So he went and examined
it, and on their asking him how he liked it, told them it was
"not very large, but extremely ruinous."  At the same time, he
had a survey made of the temple of the Pythian Apollo, as if he
had designed to repair it, and indeed he had declared to the
senate his intention so to do.

However, leaving Lucius Censorinus in Greece, he crossed over
into Asia, and there laid his hands on the stores of accumulated
wealth, while kings waited at his door, and queens were rivaling
one another, who should make him the greatest presents or appear
most charming in his eyes.  Thus, whilst Caesar in Rome was
wearing out his strength amidst seditions and wars, Antony, with
nothing to do amidst the enjoyments of peace, let his passions
carry him easily back to the old course of life that was
familiar to him.  A set of harpers and pipers, Anaxenor and
Xuthus, the dancing-man Metrodorus, and a whole Bacchic rout of
the like Asiatic exhibitors, far outdoing in license and
buffoonery the pests that had followed out of Italy, came in and
possessed the court; the thing was past patience, wealth of all
kinds being wasted on objects like these.  The whole of Asia was
like the city in Sophocles, loaded, at one time,

with incense in the air,\\
Jubilant songs, and outcries of despair.\\

When he made his entry into Ephesus, the women met him dressed
up like Bacchantes, and the men and boys like Satyrs and Fauns,
and throughout the town nothing was to be seen but spears
wreathed about with ivy, harps, flutes, and psaltries, while
Antony in their songs was Bacchus the Giver of Joy and the
Gentle.  And so indeed he was to some, but to far more the
Devourer and the Savage; for he would deprive persons of worth
and quality of their fortunes to gratify villains and
flatterers, who would sometimes beg the estates of men yet
living, pretending they were dead, and, obtaining a grant, take
possession.  He gave his cook the house of a Magnesian citizen,
as a reward for a single highly successful supper, and, at last,
when he was proceeding to lay a second whole tribute on Asia,
Hybreas, speaking on behalf of the cities, took courage, and
told him broadly, but aptly enough for Antony's taste, "If you
can take two yearly tributes, you can doubtless give us a couple
of summers, and a double harvest time;" and put it to him in the
plainest and boldest way, that Asia had raised two hundred
thousand talents for his service: "If this has not been paid to
you, ask your collectors for it; if it has, and is all gone, we
are ruined men."  These words touched Antony to the quick, who
was simply ignorant of most things that were done in his name;
not that he was so indolent, as he was prone to trust frankly in
all about him.  For there was much simplicity in his character;
he was slow to see his faults, but, when he did see them, was
extremely repentant, and ready to ask pardon of those he had
injured; prodigal in his acts of reparation, and severe in his
punishments, but his generosity was much more extravagant than
his severity; his raillery was sharp and insulting, but the edge
of it was taken off by his readiness to submit to any kind of
repartee; for he was as well contented to be rallied, as he was
pleased to rally others.  And this freedom of speech was,
indeed, the cause of many of his disasters.  He never imagined
that those who used so much liberty in their mirth would flatter
or deceive him in business of consequence, not knowing how
common it is with parasites to mix their flattery with boldness,
as confectioners do their sweetmeats with something biting, to
prevent the sense of satiety.  Their freedoms and impertinences
at table were designed expressly to give to their obsequiousness
in council the air of being not complaisance, but conviction.

Such being his temper, the last and crowning mischief that could
befall him came in the love of Cleopatra, to awaken and kindle
to fury passions that as yet lay still and dormant in his
nature, and to stifle and finally corrupt any elements that yet
made resistance in him, of goodness and a sound judgment.  He
fell into the snare thus.  When making preparation for the
Parthian war, he sent to command her to make her personal
appearance in Cilicia, to answer an accusation, that she had
given great assistance, in the late wars, to Cassius.  Dellius,
who was sent on this message, had no sooner seen her face, and
remarked her adroitness and subtlety in speech, but he felt
convinced that Antony would not so much as think of giving any
molestation to a woman like this; on the contrary, she would be
the first in favor with him.  So he set himself at once to pay
his court to the Egyptian, and gave her his advice, "to go," in
the Homeric style, to Cilicia, "in her best attire," and bade
her fear nothing from Antony, the gentlest and kindest of
soldiers.  She had some faith in the words of Dellius, but more
in her own attractions, which, having formerly recommended her
to Caesar and the young Cnaeus Pompey, she did not doubt might
prove yet more successful with Antony.  Their acquaintance was
with her when a girl, young, and ignorant of the world, but she
was to meet Antony in the time of life when women's beauty is
most splendid, and their intellects are in full maturity. She
made great preparation for her journey, of money, gifts, and
ornaments of value, such as so wealthy a kingdom might afford,
but she brought with her her surest hopes in her own magic arts
and charms.

She received several letters, both from Antony and from his
friends, to summon her, but she took no account of these orders;
and at last, as if in mockery of them, she came sailing up the
river Cydnus, in a barge with gilded stern and outspread sails
of purple, while oars of silver beat time to the music of flutes
and fifes and harps.  She herself lay all along, under a canopy
of cloth of gold, dressed as Venus in a picture, and beautiful
young boys, like painted Cupids, stood on each side to fan her.
Her maids were dressed like Sea Nymphs and Graces, some steering
at the rudder, some working at the ropes.  The perfumes diffused
themselves from the vessel to the shore, which was covered with
multitudes, part following the galley up the river on either
bank, part running out of the city to see the sight.  The
market-place was quite emptied, and Antony at last was left
alone sitting upon the tribunal; while the word went through all
the multitude, that Venus was come to feast with Bacchus, for
the common good of Asia.  On her arrival, Antony sent to invite
her to supper.  She thought it fitter he should come to her; so,
willing to show his good-humor and courtesy, he complied, and
went.  He found the preparations to receive him magnificent
beyond expression, but nothing so admirable as the great number
of lights; for on a sudden there was let down altogether so
great a number of branches with lights in them so ingeniously
disposed, some in squares, and some in circles, that the whole
thing was a spectacle that has seldom been equaled for beauty.

The next day, Antony invited her to supper, and was very
desirous to outdo her as well in magnificence as contrivance;
but he found he was altogether beaten in both, and was so well
convinced of it, that he was himself the first to jest and mock
at his poverty of wit, and his rustic awkwardness.  She,
perceiving that his raillery was broad and gross, and savored
more of the soldier than the courtier, rejoined in the same
taste, and fell into it at once, without any sort of reluctance
or reserve.  For her actual beauty, it is said, was not in
itself so remarkable that none could be compared with her, or
that no one could see her without being struck by it, but the
contact of her presence, if you lived with her, was
irresistible; the attraction of her person, joining with the
charm of her conversation, and the character that attended all
she said or did, was something bewitching.  It was a pleasure
merely to hear the sound of her voice, with which, like an
instrument of many strings, she could pass from one language to
another; so that there were few of the barbarian nations that
she answered by an interpreter; to most of them she spoke
herself, as to the Ethiopians, Troglodytes, Hebrews, Arabians,
Syrians, Medes, Parthians, and many others, whose language she
had learnt; which was all the more surprising, because most of
the kings her predecessors scarcely gave themselves the trouble
to acquire the Egyptian tongue, and several of them quite
abandoned the Macedonian.

Antony was so captivated by her, that, while Fulvia his wife
maintained his quarrels in Rome against Caesar by actual force
of arms, and the Parthian troops, commanded by Labienus (the
king's generals having made him commander-in-chief), were
assembled in Mesopotamia, and ready to enter Syria, he could yet
suffer himself to be carried away by her to Alexandria, there to
keep holiday, like a boy, in play and diversion, squandering and
fooling away in enjoyments that most costly, as Antiphon says,
of all valuables, time.  They had a sort of company, to which
they gave a particular name, calling it that of the Inimitable
Livers.  The members entertained one another daily in turn, with
an extravagance of expenditure beyond measure or belief.
Philotas, a physician of Amphissa, who was at that time a
student of medicine in Alexandria, used to tell my grandfather
Lamprias, that, having some acquaintance with one of the royal
cooks, he was invited by him, being a young man, to come and see
the sumptuous preparations for supper.  So he was taken into the
kitchen, where he admired the prodigious variety of all things;
but particularly, seeing eight wild boars roasting whole, says
he, "Surely you have a great number of guests."  The cook
laughed at his simplicity, and told him there were not above
twelve to sup, but that every dish was to be served up just
roasted to a turn, and if anything was but one minute ill-timed,
it was spoiled; "And," said he, "maybe Antony will sup just now,
maybe not this hour, maybe he will call for wine, or begin to
talk, and will put it off.  So that," he continued, "it is not
one, but many suppers must be had in readiness, as it is
impossible to guess at his hour."  This was Philotas's story;
who related besides, that he afterwards came to be one of the
medical attendants of Antony's eldest son by Fulvia, and used to
be invited pretty often, among other companions, to his table,
when he was not supping with his father.  One day another
physician had talked loudly, and given great disturbance to the
company, whose mouth Philotas stopped with this sophistical
syllogism: "In some states of fever the patient should take cold
water; everyone who has a fever is in some state of fever;
therefore in a fever cold water should always be taken."  The
man was quite struck dumb, and Antony's son, very much pleased,
laughed aloud, and said, Philotas, "I make you a present of all
you see there," pointing to a sideboard covered with plate.
Philotas thanked him much, but was far enough from ever
imagining that a boy of his age could dispose of things of that
value.  Soon after, however, the plate was all brought to him,
and he was desired to set his mark upon it; and when he put it
away from him, and was afraid to accept the present, "What ails
the man?" said he that brought it; "do you know that he who
gives you this is Antony's son, who is free to give it, if it
were all gold? but if you will be advised by me, I would counsel
you to accept of the value in money from us; for there may be
amongst the rest some antique or famous piece of workmanship,
which Antony would be sorry to part with."  These anecdotes my
grandfather told us Philotas used frequently to relate.

To return to Cleopatra; Plato admits four sorts of flattery,
but she had a thousand.  Were Antony serious or disposed to
mirth, she had at any moment some new delight or charm to meet
his wishes; at every turn she was upon him, and let him escape
her neither by day nor by night.  She played at dice with him,
drank with him, hunted with him; and when he exercised in arms,
she was there to see.  At night she would go rambling with him
to disturb and torment people at their doors and windows,
dressed like a servant-woman, for Antony also went in servant's
disguise, and from these expeditions he often came home very
scurvily answered, and sometimes even beaten severely, though
most people guessed who it was.  However, the Alexandrians in
general liked it all well enough, and joined good humoredly and
kindly in his frolic and play, saying they were much obliged to
Antony for acting his tragic parts at Rome, and keeping his
comedy for them.  It would be trifling without end to be
particular in his follies, but his fishing must not be
forgotten.  He went out one day to angle with Cleopatra, and,
being so unfortunate as to catch nothing in the presence of his
mistress, he gave secret orders to the fishermen to dive under
water, and put fishes that had been already taken upon his
hooks; and these he drew so fast that the Egyptian perceived it.
But, feigning great admiration, she told everybody how dexterous
Antony was, and invited them next day to come and see him again.
So, when a number of them had come on board the fishing boats,
as soon as he had let down his hook, one of her servants was
beforehand with his divers, and fixed upon his hook a salted
fish from Pontus.  Antony, feeling his line give, drew up the
prey, and when, as may be imagined, great laughter ensued,
"Leave," said Cleopatra, "the fishing-rod, general, to us poor
sovereigns of Pharos and Canopus; your game is cities,
provinces, and kingdoms."

Whilst he was thus diverting himself and engaged in this boys'
play, two dispatches arrived; one from Rome, that his brother
Lucius and his wife Fulvia, after many quarrels among
themselves, had joined in war against Caesar, and, having lost
all, had fled out of Italy; the other bringing little better
news, that Labienus, at the head of the Parthians, was
overrunning Asia, from Euphrates and Syria as far as Lydia and
Ionia.  So, scarcely at last rousing himself from sleep, and
shaking off the fumes of wine, he set out to attack the
Parthians, and went as far as Phoenicia; but, upon the receipt
of lamentable letters from Fulvia, turned his course with two
hundred ships to Italy.  And, in his way, receiving, such of his
friends as fled from Italy, he was given to understand that
Fulvia was the sole cause of the war, a woman of a restless
spirit and very bold, and withal her hopes were that commotions
in Italy would force Antony from Cleopatra.  But it happened
that Fulvia, as she was coming to meet her husband, fell sick by
the way, and died at Sicyon, so that an accommodation was the
more easily made.  For when he reached Italy, and Caesar showed
no intention of laying anything to his charge, and he on his
part shifted the blame of everything on Fulvia, those that were
friends to them would not suffer that the time should be spent
in looking narrowly into the plea, but made a reconciliation
first, and then a partition of the empire between them, taking
as their boundary the Ionian Sea, the eastern provinces falling
to Antony, to Caesar the western, and Africa being left to
Lepidus.  And an agreement was made, that everyone in their
turn, as he thought fit, should make their friends consuls,
when they did not choose to take the offices themselves.

These terms were well approved of, but yet it was thought some
closer tie would be desirable; and for this, fortune offered
occasion.  Caesar had an elder sister, not of the whole blood,
for Attia was his mother's name, hers Ancharia.  This sister,
Octavia, he was extremely attached to, as, indeed, she was, it
is said, quite a wonder of a woman.  Her husband, Caius
Marcellus, had died not long before, and Antony was now a
widower by the death of Fulvia; for, though he did not disavow
the passion he had for Cleopatra, yet he disowned anything of
marriage, reason, as yet, upon this point, still maintaining the
debate against the charms of the Egyptian.  Everybody concurred
in promoting this new alliance, fully expecting that with the
beauty, honor, and prudence of Octavia, when her company should,
as it was certain it would, have engaged his affections, all
would be kept in the safe and happy course of friendship.  So,
both parties being agreed, they went to Rome to celebrate the
nuptials, the senate dispensing with the law by which a widow
was not permitted to marry till ten months after the death of
her husband.

Sextus Pompeius was in possession of Sicily, and with his ships,
under the command of Menas, the pirate, and Menecrates, so
infested the Italian coast, that no vessels durst venture into
those seas.  Sextus had behaved with much humanity towards
Antony, having received his mother when she fled with Fulvia,
and it was therefore judged fit that he also should be received
into the peace.  They met near the promontory of Misenum, by the
mole of the port, Pompey having his fleet at anchor close by,
and Antony and Caesar their troops drawn up all along the shore.
There it was concluded that Sextus should quietly enjoy the
government of Sicily and Sardinia, he conditioning to scour the
seas of all pirates, and to send so much corn every year to
Rome.

This agreed on, they invited one another to supper, and by lot
it fell to Pompey's turn to give the first entertainment, and
Antony, asking where it was to be, "There," said he, pointing to
the admiral-galley, a ship of six banks of oars, "that is the
only house that Pompey is heir to of his father's."  And this
he said, reflecting upon Antony, who was then in possession of
his father's house.  Having fixed the ship on her anchors, and
formed a bridgeway from the promontory to conduct on board of
her, he gave them a cordial welcome.  And when they began to
grow warm, and jests were passing freely on Antony and
Cleopatra's loves, Menas, the pirate, whispered Pompey in the
ear, "Shall I," said he, "cut the cables, and make you master
not of Sicily only and Sardinia, but of the whole Roman empire?"
Pompey, having considered a little while, returned him answer,
"Menas, this might have been done without acquainting me; now we
must rest content; I do not break my word."  And so, having been
entertained by the other two in their turns, he set sail for
Sicily.

After the treaty was completed, Antony dispatched Ventidius into
Asia, to check the advance of the Parthians, while he, as a
compliment to Caesar, accepted the office of priest to the
deceased Caesar.  And in any state affair and matter of
consequence, they both behaved themselves with much
consideration and friendliness for each other.  But it annoyed
Antony, that in all their amusements, on any trial of skill
or fortune, Caesar should be constantly victorious.  He had with
him an Egyptian diviner, one of those who calculate nativities,
who, either to make his court to Cleopatra, or that by the rules
of his art he found it to be so, openly declared to him, that
though the fortune that attended him was bright and glorious,
yet it was overshadowed by Caesar's; and advised him to keep
himself as far distant as he could from that young man; "for
your Genius," said he, "dreads his; when absent from him yours
is proud and brave, but in his presence unmanly and dejected;"
and incidents that occurred appeared to show that the Egyptian
spoke truth.  For whenever they cast lots for any playful
purpose, or threw dice, Antony was still the loser; and
repeatedly, when they fought game-cocks or quails, Caesar's had
the victory.  This gave Antony a secret displeasure, and made
him put the more confidence in the skill of his Egyptian.  So,
leaving the management of his home affairs to Caesar, he left
Italy, and took Octavia, who had lately borne him a daughter,
along with him into Greece.

Here, whilst he wintered in Athens, he received the first news
of Ventidius's successes over the Parthians, of his having
defeated them in a battle, having slain Labienus and
Pharnapates, the best general their king, Hyrodes, possessed.
For the celebrating of which he made a public feast through
Greece, and for the prizes which were contested at Athens he
himself acted as steward, and, leaving at home the ensigns that
are carried before the general, he made his public appearance in
a gown and white shoes, with the steward's wands marching
before; and he performed his duty in taking the combatants by
the neck, to part them, when they had fought enough.

When the time came for him to set out for the war, he took a
garland from the sacred olive, and, in obedience to some oracle,
he filled a vessel with the water of the Clepsydra, to carry
along with him.  In this interval, Pacorus, the Parthian king's
son, who was marching into Syria with a large army, was met by
Ventidius, who gave him battle in the country of Cyrrhestica,
slew a large number of his men, and Pacorus among the first.
This victory was one of the most renowned achievements of the
Romans, and fully avenged their defeats under Crassus, the
Parthians being obliged, after the loss of three battles
successively, to keep themselves within the bounds of Media and
Mesopotamia.  Ventidius was not willing to push his good fortune
further, for fear of raising some jealousy in Antony, but,
turning his arms against those that had quitted the Roman
interest, he reduced them to their former obedience.  Among the
rest, he besieged Antiochus, king of Commagene, in the city of
Samosata, who made an offer of a thousand talents for his
pardon, and a promise of submission to Antony's commands.  But
Ventidius told him that he must send to Antony, who was already
on his march, and had sent word to Ventidius to make no terms
with Antiochus, wishing that at any rate this one exploit might
be ascribed to him, and that people might not think that all his
successes were won by his lieutenants.  The siege, however, was
long protracted; for when those within found their offers
refused, they defended themselves stoutly, till, at last,
Antony, finding he was doing nothing, in shame and regret for
having refused the first offer, was glad to make an
accommodation with Antiochus for three hundred talents.  And,
having given some orders for the affairs of Syria, he returned
to Athens; and, paying Ventidius the honors he well deserved,
dismissed him to receive his triumph.  He is the only man that
has ever yet triumphed for victories obtained over the
Parthians; he was of obscure birth, but, by means of Antony's
friendship, obtained an opportunity of showing his capacity, and
doing great things; and his making such glorious use of it gave
new credit to the current observation about Caesar and Antony,
that they were more fortunate in what they did by their
lieutenants than in their own persons.  For Sossius, also, had
great success, and Canidius, whom he left in Armenia, defeated
the people there, and also the kings of the Albanians and
Iberians, and marched victorious as far as Caucasus, by which
means the fame of Antony's arms had become great among the
barbarous nations.

He, however, once more, upon some unfavorable stories, taking
offense against Caesar, set sail with three hundred ships for
Italy, and, being refused admittance to the port of Brundusium,
made for Tarentum.  There his wife Octavia, who came from Greece
with him, obtained leave to visit her brother, she being then
great with child, having already borne her husband a second
daughter; and as she was on her way, she met Caesar, with his
two friends Agrippa and Maecenas, and, taking these two aside,
with great entreaties and lamentations she told them, that of
the most fortunate woman upon earth, she was in danger of
becoming the most unhappy; for as yet everyone's eyes were fixed
upon her as the wife and sister of the two great commanders,
but, if rash counsels should prevail, and war ensue, "I shall be
miserable," said she, "without redress; for on what side soever
victory falls, I shall be sure to be a loser."  Caesar was
overcome by these entreaties, and advanced in a peaceable temper
to Tarentum, where those that were present beheld a most stately
spectacle; a vast army drawn up by the shore, and as great a
fleet in the harbor, all without the occurrence of any act of
hostility; nothing but the salutations of friends, and other
expressions of joy and kindness, passing from one armament to
the other.  Antony first entertained Caesar this also being a
concession on Caesar's part to his sister; and when at length an
agreement was made between them, that Caesar should give Antony
two of his legions to serve him in the Parthian war, and that
Antony should in return leave with him a hundred armed galleys,
Octavia further obtained of her husband, besides this, twenty
light ships for her brother, and of her brother, a thousand foot
for her husband.  So, having parted good friends, Caesar went
immediately to make war with Pompey to conquer Sicily.  And
Antony, leaving in Caesar's charge his wife and children, and
his children by his former wife Fulvia, set sail for Asia.

But the mischief that thus long had lain still, the passion for
Cleopatra, which better thoughts had seemed to have lulled and
charmed into oblivion, upon his approach to Syria, gathered
strength again, and broke out into a flame.  And, in fine, like
Plato's restive and rebellious horse of the human soul, flinging
off all good and wholesome counsel, and breaking fairly loose,
he sends Fonteius Capito to bring Cleopatra into Syria.  To whom
at her arrival he made no small or trifling present, Phoenicia,
Coele-Syria, Cyprus, great part of Cilicia, that side of Judaea
which produces balm, that part of Arabia where the Nabathaeans
extend to the outer sea; profuse gifts, which much displeased
the Romans.  For, although he had invested several private
persons in great governments and kingdoms, and bereaved many
kings of theirs, as Antigonus of Judaea, whose head he caused to
be struck off (the first example of that punishment being
inflicted on a king), yet nothing stung the Romans like the
shame of these honors paid to Cleopatra.  Their dissatisfaction
was augmented also by his acknowledging as his own the twin
children he had by her, giving them the name of Alexander and
Cleopatra, and adding, as their surnames, the titles of Sun and
Moon.  But he, who knew how to put a good color on the most
dishonest action, would say, that the greatness of the Roman
empire consisted more in giving than in taking kingdoms, and
that the way to carry noble blood through the world was by
begetting in every place a new line and series of kings; his own
ancestor had thus been born of Hercules; Hercules had not
limited his hopes of progeny to a single womb, nor feared any
law like Solon's, or any audit of procreation, but had freely
let nature take her will in the foundation and first
commencement of many families.

After Phraates had killed his father Hyrodes, and taken
possession of his kingdom, many of the Parthians left their
country; among the rest, Monaeses, a man of great distinction
and authority, sought refuge with Antony, who, looking on his
case as similar to that of Themistocles, and likening his own
opulence and magnanimity to those of the former Persian kings,
gave him three cities, Larissa, Arethusa, and Hierapolis, which
was formerly called Bambyce.  But when the king of Parthia soon
recalled him, giving him his word and honor for his safety,
Antony was not unwilling to give him leave to return, hoping
thereby to surprise Phraates, who would believe that peace would
continue; for he only made the demand of him, that he should
send back the Roman ensigns which were taken when Crassus was
slain, and the prisoners that remained yet alive.  This done, he
sent Cleopatra into Egypt, and marched through Arabia and
Armenia; and, when his forces came together, and were joined by
those of his confederate kings (of whom there were very many,
and the most considerable, Artavasdes, king of Armenia, who came
at the head of six thousand horse and seven thousand foot), he
made a general muster.  There appeared sixty thousand Roman
foot, ten thousand horse, Spaniards and Gauls, who counted as
Romans; and, of other nations, horse and foot, thirty thousand.
And these great preparations, that put the Indians beyond
Bactria into alarm, and made all Asia shake, were all, we are
told, rendered useless to him because of Cleopatra.  For, in
order to pass the winter with her, the war was pushed on before
its due time; and all he did was done without perfect
consideration, as by a man who had no proper control over his
faculties, who, under the effects of some drug or magic, was
still looking back elsewhere, and whose object was much more to
hasten his return than to conquer his enemies.

For, first of all, when he should have taken up his
winter-quarters in Armenia, to refresh his men, who were tired
with long marches, having come at least eight thousand furlongs,
and then have taken the advantage in the beginning of the spring
to invade Media, before the Parthians were out of
winter-quarters, he had not patience to expect his time, but
marched into the province of Atropatene, leaving Armenia on the
left hand, and laid waste all that country.  Secondly, his haste
was so great, that he left behind the engines absolutely
required for any siege, which followed the camp in three hundred
wagons, and, among the rest, a ram eighty feet long; none of
which was it possible, if lost or damaged, to repair or to make
the like, as the provinces of the upper Asia produce no trees
long or hard enough for such uses.  Nevertheless, he left them
all behind, as a mere impediment to his speed, in the charge of
a detachment under the command of Statianus, the wagon-officer.
He himself laid siege to Phraata, a principal city of the king
of Media, wherein were that king's wife and children.  And when
actual need proved the greatness of his error in leaving the
siege train behind him, he had nothing for it but to come up and
raise a mound against the walls, with infinite labor and great
loss of time.  Meantime Phraates, coming down with a large army,
and hearing that the wagons were left behind with the battering
engines, sent a strong party of horse, by which Statianus was
surprised, he himself and ten thousand of his men slain, the
engines all broken in pieces, many taken prisoners, and, among
the rest, king Polemon.

This great miscarriage in the opening of the campaign much
discouraged Antony's army, and Artavasdes, king of Armenia,
deciding that the Roman prospects were bad, withdrew with all
his forces from the camp, although he had been the chief
promoter of the war.  The Parthians, encouraged by their
success, came up to the Romans at the siege, and gave them many
affronts; upon which Antony, fearing that the despondency and
alarm of his soldiers would only grow worse if he let them lie
idle, taking all the horse, ten legions, and three praetorian
cohorts of heavy infantry, resolved to go out and forage,
designing by this means to draw the enemy with more advantage to
a battle.  To effect this, he marched a day's journey from his
camp, and, finding the Parthians hovering about, in readiness to
attack him while he was in motion, he gave orders for the signal
of battle to be hung out in the encampment, but, at the same
time, pulled down the tents, as if he meant not to fight, but to
lead his men home again; and so he proceeded to lead them past
the enemy, who were drawn up in a half-moon, his orders being
that the horse should charge as soon as the legions were come up
near enough to second them.  The Parthians, standing still while
the Romans marched by them, were in great admiration of their
army, and of the exact discipline it observed, rank after rank
passing on at equal distances in perfect order and silence,
their pikes all ready in their hands.  But when the signal was
given, and the horse turned short upon the Parthians, and with
loud cries charged them, they bravely received them, though they
were at once too near for bowshot; but the legions, coming up
with loud shouts and rattling of their arms, so frightened their
horses and indeed the men themselves, that they kept their
ground no longer.  Antony pressed them hard, in great hopes that
this victory should put an end to the war; the foot had them in
pursuit for fifty furlongs, and the horse for thrice that
distance, and yet, the advantage summed up, they had but thirty
prisoners, and there were but fourscore slain.  So that they
were all filled with dejection and discouragement, to consider,
that when they were victorious, their advantage was so small,
and that when they were beaten, they lost so great a number of
men as they had done when the carriages were taken.

The next day, having put the baggage in order, they marched back
to the camp before Phraata, in the way meeting with some
scattering troops of the enemy, and, as they marched further,
with greater parties, at length with the body of the enemy's
army, fresh and in good order, who called them to battle, and
charged them on every side, and it was not without great
difficulty that they reached the camp.  There Antony, finding
that his men had in a panic deserted the defense of the mound,
upon a sally of the Medes, resolved to proceed against them by
decimation, as it is called, which is done by dividing the
soldiers into tens, and, out of every ten, putting one to death,
as it happens by lot.  The rest he gave orders should have,
instead of wheat, their rations of corn in barley.

The war was now become grievous to both parties, and the
prospect of its continuance yet more fearful to Antony, in
respect that he was threatened with famine; for he could no
longer forage without wounds and slaughter.  And Phraates, on
the other side, was full of apprehension that, if the Romans
were to persist in carrying on the siege, the autumnal equinox
being past and the air already closing in for cold, he should be
deserted by his soldiers, who would suffer anything rather than
wintering in open field.  To prevent which, he had recourse to
the following deceit: he gave order to those of his men who had
made most acquaintance among the Roman soldiers, not to pursue
too close when they met them foraging, but to suffer them to
carry off some provision; moreover, that they should praise
their valor, and declare that it was not without just reason
that their king looked upon the Romans as the bravest men in the
world.  This done, upon further opportunity they rode nearer in,
and, drawing up their horses by the men, began to revile Antony
for his obstinacy; that whereas Phraates desired nothing more
than peace, and an occasion to show how ready he was to save the
lives of so many brave soldiers, he, on the contrary, gave no
opening to any friendly offers, but sat awaiting the arrival of
the two fiercest and worst enemies, winter and famine, from whom
it would be hard for them to make their escape, even with all
the good-will of the Parthians to help them.  Antony, having
these reports from many hands, began to indulge the hope;
nevertheless, he would not send any message to the Parthian till
he had put the question to these friendly talkers, whether what
they said was said by order of their king.  Receiving answer
that it was, together with new encouragement to believe them, he
sent some of his friends to demand once more the standards and
prisoners, lest, if he should ask nothing, he might be supposed
to be too thankful to have leave to retreat in quiet.  The
Parthian king made answer, that as for the standards and
prisoners, he need not trouble himself; but if he thought fit to
retreat, he might do it when he pleased, in peace and safety.
Some few days, therefore, being spent in collecting the baggage,
he set out upon his march.  On which occasion, though there was
no man of his time like him for addressing a multitude, or for
carrying soldiers with him by the force of words, out of shame
and sadness he could not find in his heart to speak himself, but
employed Domitius Aenobarbus.  And some of the soldiers resented
it, as an undervaluing of them; but the greater number saw the
true cause, and pitied it, and thought it rather a reason why
they on their side should treat their general with more respect
and obedience than ordinary.

Antony had resolved to return by the same way he came, which was
through a level country clear of all trees, but a certain
Mardian came to him (one that was very conversant with the
manners of the Parthians, and whose fidelity to the Romans had
been tried at the battle where the machines were lost), and
advised him to keep the mountains close on his right hand, and
not to expose his men, heavily armed, in a broad, open, riding
country, to the attacks of a numerous army of light-horse and
archers; that Phraates with fair promises had persuaded him from
the siege on purpose that he might with more ease cut him off in
his retreat; but, if so he pleased, he would conduct him by a
nearer route, on which moreover he should find the necessaries
for his army in greater abundance.  Antony upon this began to
consider what was best to be done; he was unwilling to seem to
have any mistrust of the Parthians after their treaty; but,
holding it to be really best to march his army the shorter and
more inhabited way, he demanded of the Mardian some assurance of
his faith, who offered himself to be bound until the army came
safe into Armenia.  Two days he conducted the army bound, and,
on the third, when Antony had given up all thought of the
enemy, and was marching at his ease in no very good order, the
Mardian, perceiving the bank of a river broken down, and the
water let out and overflowing the road by which they were to
pass, saw at once that this was the handiwork of the Parthians,
done out of mischief, and to hinder their march; so he advised
Antony to be upon his guard, for that the enemy was nigh at
hand.  And no sooner had he begun to put his men in order,
disposing the slingers and dart men in convenient intervals for
sallying out, but the Parthians came pouring in on all sides,
fully expecting to encompass them, and throw the whole army into
disorder.  They were at once attacked by the light troops, whom
they galled a good deal with their arrows; but, being themselves
as warmly entertained with the slings and darts, and many
wounded, they made their retreat.  Soon after, rallying up
afresh, they were beat back by a battalion of Gallic horse, and
appeared no more that day.

By their manner of attack Antony seeing what to do, not only
placed the slings and darts as a rear guard, but also lined both
flanks with them, and so marched in a square battle, giving
order to the horse to charge and beat off the enemy, but not to
follow them far as they retired.  So that the Parthians, not
doing more mischief for the four ensuing days than they
received, began to abate in their zeal, and, complaining that
the winter season was much advanced, pressed for returning home.

But, on the fifth day, Flavius Gallus, a brave and active
officer, who had a considerable command in the army, came to
Antony, desiring of him some light-infantry out of the rear, and
some horse out of the front, with which he would undertake to do
some considerable service.  Which when he had obtained, he beat
the enemy back, not withdrawing, as was usual, at the same time,
and retreating upon the mass of the heavy infantry, but
maintaining his own ground, and engaging boldly.  The officers
who commanded in the rear, perceiving how far he was getting
from the body of the army, sent to warn him back, but he took no
notice of them.  It is said that Titius the quaestor snatched
the standards and turned them round, upbraiding Gallus with thus
leading so many brave men to destruction.  But when he on the
other side reviled him again, and commanded the men that were
about him to stand firm, Titius made his retreat, and Gallus,
charging the enemies in the front, was encompassed by a party
that fell upon his rear, which at length perceiving, he sent a
messenger to demand succor.  But the commanders of the heavy
infantry, Canidius amongst others, a particular favorite of
Antony's, seem here to have committed a great oversight.  For,
instead of facing about with the whole body, they sent small
parties, and, when they were defeated, they still sent out small
parties, so that by their bad management the rout would have
spread through the whole army, if Antony himself had not marched
from the van at the head of the third legion, and, passing this
through among the fugitives, faced the enemies, and hindered
them from any further pursuit.

In this engagement were killed three thousand, five thousand
were carried back to the camp wounded, amongst the rest Gallus,
shot through the body with four arrows, of which wounds he died.
Antony went from tent to tent to visit and comfort the rest of
them, and was not able to see his men without tears and a
passion of grief.  They, however, seized his hand with joyful
faces, bidding him go and see to himself and not be concerned
about them, calling him their emperor and their general, and
saying that if he did well they were safe.  For in short, never
in all these times can history make mention of a general at the
head of a more splendid army; whether you consider strength and
youth, or patience and sufferance in labors and fatigues; but as
for the obedience and affectionate respect they bore their
general, and the unanimous feeling amongst small and great
alike, officers and common soldiers, to prefer his good opinion
of them to their very lives and being, in this part of military
excellence it was not possible that they could have been
surpassed by the very Romans of old.  For this devotion, as I
have said before, there were many reasons, as the nobility of
his family, his eloquence, his frank and open manners, his
liberal and magnificent habits, his familiarity in talking with
everybody, and, at this time particularly, his kindness in
assisting and pitying the sick, joining in all their pains, and
furnishing them with all things necessary, so that the sick and
wounded were even more eager to serve than those that were whole
and strong.

Nevertheless, this last victory had so encouraged the enemy,
that, instead of their former impatience and weariness, they
began soon to feel contempt for the Romans, staying all night
near the camp, in expectation of plundering their tents and
baggage, which they concluded they must abandon; and in the
morning new forces arrived in large masses, so that their number
was grown to be not less, it is said, than forty thousand horse;
and the king had sent the very guards that attended upon his own
person, as to a sure and unquestioned victory.  For he himself
was never present in any fight.  Antony, designing to harangue
the soldiers, called for a mourning habit, that he might move
them the more, but was dissuaded by his friends; so he came
forward in the general's scarlet cloak, and addressed them,
praising those that had gained the victory, and reproaching
those that had fled, the former answering him with promises of
success, and the latter excusing themselves, and telling him
they were ready to undergo decimation, or any other punishment
he should please to inflict upon them, only entreating that he
would forget and not discompose himself with their faults.  At
which he lifted up his hands to heaven, and prayed the gods,
that if to balance the great favors he had received of them any
judgment lay in store, they would pour it upon his head alone,
and grant his soldiers victory.

The next day they took better order for their march, and the
Parthians, who thought they were marching rather to plunder than
to fight, were much taken aback, when they came up and were
received with a shower of missiles, to find the enemy not
disheartened, but fresh and resolute.  So that they themselves
began to lose courage.  But at the descent of a hill where the
Romans were obliged to pass, they got together, and let fly
their arrows upon them as they moved slowly down.  But the
full-armed infantry, facing round, received the light troops
within; and those in the first rank knelt on one knee, holding
their shields before them, the next rank holding theirs over the
first, and so again others over these, much like the tiling of a
house, or the rows of seats in a theater, the whole affording
sure defense against arrows, which glance upon them without
doing any harm.  The Parthians, seeing the Romans down upon
their knees, could not imagine but that it must proceed from
weariness; so that they laid down their bows, and, taking their
spears, made a fierce onset, when the Romans, with a great cry,
leapt upon their feet, striking hand to hand with their
javelins, slew the foremost, and put the rest to flight.  After
this rate it was every day, and the trouble they gave made the
marches short; in addition to which famine began to be felt in
the camp, for they could get but little corn, and that which
they got they were forced to fight for; and, besides this, they
were in want of implements to grind it and make bread.  For they
had left almost all behind, the baggage horses being dead or
otherwise employed in carrying the sick and wounded.  Provision
was so scarce in the army that an Attic quart of wheat sold for
fifty drachmas, and barley loaves for their weight in silver.
And when they tried vegetables and roots, they found such as
are commonly eaten very scarce, so that they were constrained to
venture upon any they could get, and, among others, they chanced
upon an herb that was mortal, first taking away all sense and
understanding.  He that had eaten of it remembered nothing in
the world, and employed himself only in moving great stones from
one place to another, which he did with as much earnestness and
industry as if it had been a business of the greatest
consequence.  Through all the camp there was nothing to be seen
but men grubbing upon the ground at stones, which they carried
from place to place.  But in the end they threw up bile and
died, as wine, moreover, which was the one antidote, failed.
When Antony saw them die so fast, and the Parthian still in
pursuit, he was heard to exclaim several times over, "O, the Ten
Thousand!" as if in admiration of the retreat of the Greeks with
Xenophon, who, when they had a longer journey to make from
Babylonia, and a more powerful enemy to deal with, nevertheless
came home safe.

The Parthians, finding that they could not divide the Roman
army, nor break the order of their battle, and that withal they
had been so often worsted, once more began to treat the foragers
with professions of humanity; they came up to them with their
bows unbended, telling them that they were going home to their
houses; that this was the end of their retaliation, and that
only some Median troops would follow for two or three days, not
with any design to annoy them, but for the defense of some of
the villages further on.  And, saying this, they saluted them
and embraced them with a great show of friendship.  This made
the Romans full of confidence again, and Antony, on hearing of
it, was more disposed to take the road through the level
country, being told that no water was to be hoped for on that
through the mountains.  But while he was preparing thus to do,
Mithridates came into the camp, a cousin to Monaeses, of whom we
related that he sought refuge with the Romans, and received in
gift from Antony the three cities.  Upon his arrival, he desired
somebody might be brought to him that could speak Syriac or
Parthian.  One Alexander, of Antioch, a friend of Antony's, was
brought to him, to whom the stranger, giving his name, and
mentioning Monaeses as the person who desired to do the
kindness, put the question, did he see that high range of hills,
pointing at some distance.  He told him, yes.  "It is there,"
said he, "the whole Parthian army lie in wait for your passage;
for the great plains come immediately up to them, and they
expect that, confiding in their promises, you will leave the
way of the mountains, and take the level route.  It is true that
in passing over the mountains you will suffer the want of water,
and the fatigue to which you have become familiar, but if you
pass through the plains, Antony must expect the fortune of
Crassus."

This said, he departed.  Antony, in alarm, calling his friends
in council, sent for the Mardian guide, who was of the same
opinion.  He told them that, with or without enemies, the want
of any certain track in the plain, and the likelihood of their
losing their way, were quite objection enough; the other route
was rough and without water, but then it was but for a day.
Antony, therefore, changing his mind, marched away upon this
road that night, commanding that everyone should carry water
sufficient for his own use; but most of them being unprovided
with vessels, they made shift with their helmets, and some with
skins.  As soon as they started, the news of it was carried to
the Parthians, who followed them, contrary to their custom,
through the night, and at sunrise attacked the rear, which was
tired with marching and want of sleep, and not in condition to
make any considerable defense.  For they had got through two
hundred and forty furlongs that night, and at the end of such a
march to find the enemy at their heels, put them out of heart.
Besides, having to fight for every step of the way increased
their distress from thirst.  Those that were in the van came up
to a river, the water of which was extremely cool and clear, but
brackish and medicinal, and, on being drunk, produced immediate
pains in the bowels and a renewed thirst.  Of this the Mardian
had forewarned them, but they could not forbear, and, beating
back those that opposed them, they drank of it.  Antony ran from
one place to another, begging they would have a little patience,
that not far off there was a river of wholesome water, and that
the rest of the way was so difficult for the horse, that the
enemy could pursue them no further; and, saying this, he ordered
to sound a retreat to call those back that were engaged, and
commanded the tents should be set up, that the soldiers might at
any rate refresh themselves in the shade.

But the tents were scarce well put up, and the Parthians
beginning, according to their custom, to withdraw, when
Mithridates came again to them, and informed Alexander, with
whom he had before spoken, that he would do well to advise
Antony to stay where he was no longer than needs he must, that,
after having refreshed his troops, he should endeavor with all
diligence to gain the next river, that the Parthians would not
cross it, but so far they were resolved to follow them.
Alexander made his report to Antony, who ordered a quantity of
gold plate to be carried to Mithridates, who, taking as much as
be could well hide under his clothes, went his way.  And, upon
this advice, Antony, while it was yet day, broke up his camp,
and the whole army marched forward without receiving any
molestation from the Parthians, though that night by their own
doing was in effect the most wretched and terrible that they
passed.  For some of the men began to kill and plunder those
whom they suspected to have any money, ransacked the baggage,
and seized the money there.  In the end, they laid hands on
Antony's own equipage, and broke all his rich tables and cups,
dividing the fragments amongst them.  Antony, hearing such a
noise and such a stirring to and fro all through the army, the
belief prevailing that the enemy had routed and cut off a
portion of the troops, called for one of his freedmen, then
serving as one of his guards, Rhamnus by name, and made him take
an oath that, whenever he should give him orders, he would run
his sword through his body and cut off his head, that he might
not fall alive into the hands of the Parthians, nor, when dead,
be recognized as the general.  While he was in this
consternation, and all his friends about him in tears, the
Mardian came up, and gave them all new life.  He convinced
them, by the coolness and humidity of the air, which they could
feel in breathing it, that the river which he had spoken of was
now not far off, and the calculation of the time that had been
required to reach it came, he said, to the same result, for the
night was almost spent.  And, at the same time, others came with
information that all the confusion in the camp proceeded only
from their own violence and robbery among themselves.  To
compose this tumult, and bring them again into some order after
their distraction, he commanded the signal to be given for a
halt.

Day began to break, and quiet and regularity were just
reappearing, when the Parthian arrows began to fly among the
rear, and the light armed troops were ordered out to battle.
And, being seconded by the heavy infantry, who covered one
another as before described with their shields, they bravely
received the enemy, who did not think convenient to advance any
further, while the van of the army, marching forward leisurely
in this manner came in sight of the river, and Antony, drawing
up the cavalry on the banks to confront the enemy, first passed
over the sick and wounded.  And, by this time, even those who
were engaged with the enemy had opportunity to drink at their
ease; for the Parthians, on seeing the river, unbent their bows,
and told the Romans they might pass over freely, and made them
great compliments in praise of their valor.  Having crossed
without molestation, they rested themselves awhile, and
presently went forward, not giving perfect credit to the fair
words of their enemies.  Six days after this last battle, they
arrived at the river Araxes, which divides Media and Armenia,
and seemed, both by its deepness and the violence of the
current, to be very dangerous to pass.  A report, also, had
crept in amongst them, that the enemy was in ambush, ready to
set upon them as soon as they should be occupied with their
passage.  But when they were got over on the other side, and
found themselves in Armenia, just as if land was now sighted
after a storm at sea, they kissed the ground for joy, shedding
tears and embracing each other in their delight.  But taking
their journey through a land that abounded in all sorts of
plenty, they ate, after their long want, with that excess of
everything they met with, that they suffered from dropsies and
dysenteries.

Here Antony, making a review of his army, found that he had lost
twenty thousand foot and four thousand horse, of which the
better half perished, not by the enemy, but by diseases.  Their
march was of twenty-seven days from Phraata, during which they
had beaten the Parthians in eighteen battles, though with little
effect or lasting result, because of their being so unable to
pursue.  By which it is manifest that it was Artavasdes who lost
Antony the benefit of the expedition.  For had the sixteen
thousand horsemen whom he led away out of Media, armed in the
same style as the Parthians and accustomed to their manner of
fight, been there to follow the pursuit when the Romans put them
to flight, it is impossible they could have rallied so often
after their defeats, and reappeared again as they did to renew
their attacks.  For this reason, the whole army was very earnest
with Antony to march into Armenia to take revenge.  But he, with
more reflection, forbore to notice the desertion, and continued
all his former courtesies, feeling that the army was wearied
out, and in want of all manner of necessaries.  Afterwards,
however, entering Armenia, with invitations and fair promises he
prevailed upon Artavasdes to meet him, when he seized him, bound
him, and carried him to Alexandria, and there led him in a
triumph; one of the things which most offended the Romans, who
felt as if all the honors and solemn observances of their
country were, for Cleopatra's sake, handed over to the
Egyptians.

This, however, was at an after time.  For the present, marching
his army in great haste in the depth of winter through continual
storms of snow, he lost eight thousand of his men, and came with
much diminished numbers to a place called the White Village,
between Sidon and Berytus, on the seacoast, where he waited for
the arrival of Cleopatra.  And, being impatient of the delay she
made, he bethought himself of shortening the time in wine and
drunkenness, and yet could not endure the tediousness of a meal,
but would start from table and run to see if she were coming.
Till at last she came into port, and brought with her clothes
and money for the soldiers.  Though some say that Antony only
received the clothes from her, and distributed his own money in
her name.

A quarrel presently happened between the king of Media and
Phraates of Parthia, beginning, it is said, about the division
of the booty that was taken from the Romans, and creating great
apprehension in the Median lest he should lose his kingdom.  He
sent, therefore, ambassadors to Antony, with offers of entering
into a confederate war against Phraates.  And Antony, full of
hopes at being thus asked, as a favor, to accept that one thing,
horse and archers, the want of which had hindered his beating
the Parthians before, began at once to prepare for a return to
Armenia, there to join the Medes on the Araxes, and begin the
war afresh.  But Octavia, in Rome, being desirous to see Antony,
asked Caesar's leave to go to him; which he gave her, not so
much, say most authors, to gratify his sister, as to obtain a
fair pretense to begin the war upon her dishonorable reception.
She no sooner arrived at Athens, but by letters from Antony she
was informed of his new expedition, and his will that she should
await him there.  And, though she were much displeased, not
being ignorant of the real reason of this usage, yet she wrote
to him to know to what place he would be pleased she should send
the things she had brought with her for his use; for she had
brought clothes for his soldiers, baggage, cattle, money, and
presents for his friends and officers, and two thousand chosen
soldiers sumptuously armed, to form praetorian cohorts.  This
message was brought from Octavia to Antony by Niger, one of his
friends, who added to it the praises she deserved so well.
Cleopatra, feeling her rival already, as it were, at hand, was
seized with fear, lest if to her noble life and her high
alliance, she once could add the charm of daily habit and
affectionate intercourse, she should become irresistible, and be
his absolute mistress for ever.  So she feigned to be dying for
love of Antony, bringing her body down by slender diet; when he
entered the room, she fixed her eyes upon him in a rapture, and
when he left, seemed to languish and half faint away.  She took
great pains that he should see her in tears, and, as soon as he
noticed it, hastily dried them up and turned away, as if it were
her wish that he should know nothing of it.  All this was acting
while he prepared for Media; and Cleopatra's creatures were not
slow to forward the design, upbraiding Antony with his
unfeeling, hard-hearted temper, thus letting a woman perish
whose soul depended upon him and him alone.  Octavia, it was
true, was his wife, and had been married to him because it was
found convenient for the affairs of her brother that it should
be so, and she had the honor of the title; but Cleopatra, the
sovereign queen of many nations, had been contented with the
name of his mistress, nor did she shun or despise the character
whilst she might see him, might live with him, and enjoy him; if
she were bereaved of this, she would not survive the loss.  In
fine, they so melted and unmanned him, that, fully believing she
would die if he forsook her, he put off the war and returned to
Alexandria, deferring his Median expedition until next summer,
though news came of the Parthians being all in confusion with
intestine disputes.  Nevertheless, he did some time after go
into that country, and made an alliance with the king of Media,
by marriage of a son of his by Cleopatra to the king's daughter,
who was yet very young; and so returned, with his thoughts taken
up about the civil war.

When Octavia returned from Athens, Caesar, who considered she
had been injuriously treated, commanded her to live in a
separate house; but she refused to leave the house of her
husband, and entreated him, unless he had already resolved, upon
other motives, to make war with Antony, that he would on her
account let it alone; it would be intolerable to have it said of
the two greatest commanders in the world, that they had
involved the Roman people in a civil war, the one out of passion
for; the other out of resentment about, a woman.  And her
behavior proved her words to be sincere.  She remained in
Antony's house as if he were at home in it, and took the noblest
and most generous care, not only of his children by her, but of
those by Fulvia also.  She received all the friends of Antony
that came to Rome to seek office or upon any business, and did
her utmost to prefer their requests to Caesar; yet this her
honorable deportment did but, without her meaning it, damage the
reputation of Antony; the wrong he did to such a woman made him
hated.  Nor was the division he made among his sons at
Alexandria less unpopular; it seemed a theatrical piece of
insolence and contempt of his country.  For, assembling the
people in the exercise ground, and causing two golden thrones to
be placed on a platform of silver, the one for him and the other
for Cleopatra, and at their feet lower thrones for their
children, he proclaimed Cleopatra queen of Egypt, Cyprus, Libya,
and Coele-Syria, and with her conjointly Caesarion, the reputed
son of the former Caesar, who left Cleopatra with child.  His
own sons by Cleopatra were to have the style of kings of kings;
to Alexander he gave Armenia and Media, with Parthia, so soon as
it should be overcome; to Ptolemy, Phoenicia, Syria, and
Cilicia.  Alexander was brought out before the people in the
Median costume, the tiara and upright peak, and Ptolemy, in
boots and mantle and Macedonian cap done about with the diadem;
for this was the habit of the successors of Alexander, as the
other was of the Medes and Armenians.  And, as soon as they had
saluted their parents, the one was received by a guard of
Macedonians, the other by one of Armenians.  Cleopatra was then,
as at other times when she appeared in public, dressed in the
habit of the goddess Isis, and gave audience to the people under
the name of the New Isis.

Caesar, relating these things in the senate, and often
complaining to the people, excited men's minds against Antony.
And Antony also sent messages of accusation against Caesar.  The
principal of his charges were these: first, that he had not made
any division with him of Sicily, which was lately taken from
Pompey; secondly, that he had retained the ships he had lent him
for the war; thirdly, that after deposing Lepidus, their
colleague, he had taken for himself the army, governments, and
revenues formerly appropriated to him; and, lastly, that he had
parceled out almost all Italy amongst his own soldiers, and left
nothing for his.  Caesar's answer was as follows: that he had
put Lepidus out of government because of his own misconduct;
that what he had got in war he would divide with Antony, so soon
as Antony gave him a share of Armenia; that Antony's soldiers
had no claims in Italy, being in possession of Media and
Parthia, the acquisitions which their brave actions under their
general had added to the Roman empire.

Antony was in Armenia when this answer came to him, and
immediately sent Canidius with sixteen legions towards the sea;
but he, in the company of Cleopatra, went to Ephesus, whither
ships were coming in from all quarters to form the navy,
consisting, vessels of burden included, of eight hundred
vessels, of which Cleopatra furnished two hundred, together with
twenty thousand talents, and provision for the whole army during
the war.  Antony, on the advice of Domitius and some others,
bade Cleopatra return into Egypt, there to expect the event of
the war; but she, dreading some new reconciliation by Octavia's
means, prevailed with Canidius, by a large sum of money, to
speak in her favor with Antony, pointing out to him that it was
not just that one that bore so great a part in the charge of the
war should be robbed of her share of glory in the carrying it
on: nor would it be politic to disoblige the Egyptians, who were
so considerable a part of his naval forces; nor did he see how
she was inferior in prudence to any one of the kings that were
serving with him; she had long governed a great kingdom by
herself alone, and long lived with him, and gained experience in
public affairs.  These arguments (so the fate that destined all
to Caesar would have it), prevailed; and when all their forces
had met, they sailed together to Samos, and held high
festivities.  For, as it was ordered that all kings, princes,
and governors, all nations and cities within the limits of
Syria, the Maeotid Lake, Armenia, and Illyria, should bring or
cause to be brought all munitions necessary for war, so was it
also proclaimed that all stage-players should make their
appearance at Samos; so that, while pretty nearly the whole
world was filled with groans and lamentations, this one island
for some days resounded with piping and harping, theaters
filling, and choruses playing.  Every city sent an ox as its
contribution to the sacrifice, and the kings that accompanied
Antony competed who should make the most magnificent feasts and
the greatest presents; and men began to ask themselves, what
would be done to celebrate the victory, when they went to such
an expense of festivity at the opening of the war.

This over, he gave Priene to his players for a habitation, and
set sail for Athens, where fresh sports and play-acting employed
him.  Cleopatra, jealous of the honors Octavia had received at
Athens (for Octavia was much beloved by the Athenians), courted
the favor of the people with all sorts of attentions.  The
Athenians, in requital, having decreed her public honors,
deputed several of the citizens to wait upon her at her house;
amongst whom went Antony as one, he being an Athenian citizen,
and he it was that made the speech.  He sent orders to Rome to
have Octavia removed out of his house.  She left it, we are
told, accompanied by all his children, except the eldest by
Fulvia, who was then with his father, weeping and grieving that
she must be looked upon as one of the causes of the war.  But
the Romans pitied, not so much her, as Antony himself, and more
particularly those who had seen Cleopatra, whom they could
report to have no way the advantage of Octavia either in youth
or in beauty.

The speed and extent of Antony's preparations alarmed Caesar,
who feared he might be forced to fight the decisive battle that
summer.  For he wanted many necessaries, and the people grudged
very much to pay the taxes; freemen being called upon to pay a
fourth part of their incomes, and freed slaves an eighth of
their property, so that there were loud outcries against him,
and disturbances throughout all Italy.  And this is looked upon
as one of the greatest of Antony's oversights, that he did not
then press the war.  For he allowed time at once for Caesar to
make his preparations, and for the commotions to pass over.  For
while people were having their money called for, they were
mutinous and violent; but, having paid it, they held their
peace.  Titius and Plancus, men of consular dignity and friends
to Antony, having been ill used by Cleopatra, whom they had most
resisted in her design of being present in the war, came over to
Caesar, and gave information of the contents of Antony's will,
with which they were acquainted.  It was deposited in the hands
of the vestal virgins, who refused to deliver it up, and sent
Caesar word, if he pleased, he should come and seize it himself,
which he did.  And, reading it over to himself, he noted those
places that were most for his purpose, and, having summoned the
senate, read them publicly.  Many were scandalized at the
proceeding, thinking it out of reason and equity to call a man
to account for what was not to be until after his death.  Caesar
specially pressed what Antony said in his will about his burial;
for he had ordered that even if he died in the city of Rome, his
body, after being carried in state through the forum, should be
sent to Cleopatra at Alexandria.  Calvisius, a dependent of
Caesar's, urged other charges in connection with Cleopatra
against Antony; that he had given her the library of Pergamus,
containing two hundred thousand distinct volumes; that at a
great banquet, in the presence of many guests, he had risen up
and rubbed her feet, to fulfill some wager or promise; that he
had suffered the Ephesians to salute her as their queen; that he
had frequently at the public audience of kings and princes
received amorous messages written in tablets made of onyx and
crystal, and read them openly on the tribunal; that when
Furnius, a man of great authority and eloquence among the
Romans, was pleading, Cleopatra happening to pass by in her
chair, Antony started up and left them in the middle of their
cause, to follow at her side and attend her home.

Calvisius, however, was looked upon as the inventor of most of
these stories.  Antony's friends went up and down the city to
gain him credit, and sent one of themselves, Geminius, to him,
to beg him to take heed and not allow himself to be deprived by
vote of his authority, and proclaimed a public enemy to the
Roman state.  But Geminius no sooner arrived in Greece but he
was looked upon as one of Octavia's spies; at their suppers he
was made a continual butt for mockery, and was put to sit in the
least honorable places; all which he bore very well, seeking
only an occasion of speaking with Antony.  So, at supper, being
told to say what business he came about, he answered he would
keep the rest for a soberer hour, but one thing he had to say,
whether full or fasting, that all would go well if Cleopatra
would return to Egypt.  And on Antony showing his anger at it,
"You have done well, Geminius," said Cleopatra, "to tell your
secret without being put to the rack." So Geminius, after a few
days, took occasion to make his escape and go to Rome.  Many
more of Antony's friends were driven from him by the insolent
usage they had from Cleopatra's flatterers, amongst whom were
Marcus Silanus and Dellius the historian.  And Dellius says he
was afraid of his life, and that Glaucus, the physician,
informed him of Cleopatra's design against him.  She was angry
with him for having said that Antony's friends were served with
sour wine, while at Rome Sarmentus, Caesar's little page (his
delicia, as the Romans call it), drank Falernian.

As soon as Caesar had completed his preparations, he had a
decree made, declaring war on Cleopatra, and depriving Antony of
the authority which he had let a woman exercise in his place.
Caesar added that he had drunk potions that had bereaved him of
his senses, and that the generals they would have to fight with
would be Mardion the eunuch, Pothinus, Iras, Cleopatra's
hairdressing girl, and Charmion, who were Antony's chief
state-councillors.

These prodigies are said to have announced the war.  Pisaurum,
where Antony had settled a colony, on the Adriatic sea, was
swallowed up by an earthquake; sweat ran from one of the marble
statues of Antony at Alba for many days together, and, though
frequently wiped off, did not stop.  When he himself was in the
city of Patrae, the temple of Hercules was struck by lightning,
and, at Athens, the figure of Bacchus was torn by a violent wind
out of the Battle of the Giants, and laid flat upon the
theater; with both which deities Antony claimed connection,
professing to be descended from Hercules, and from his imitating
Bacchus in his way of living having received the name of Young
Bacchus.  The same whirlwind at Athens also brought down, from
amongst many others which were not disturbed, the colossal
statues of Eumenes and Attalus, which were inscribed with
Antony's name.  And in Cleopatra's admiral-galley, which was
called the Antonias, a most inauspicious omen occurred.  Some
swallows had built in the stern of the galley, but other
swallows came, beat the first away, and destroyed their nests.

When the armaments gathered for the war, Antony had no less than
five hundred ships of war, including numerous galleys of eight
and ten banks of oars, as richly ornamented as if they were
meant for a triumph.  He had a hundred thousand foot and twelve
thousand horse.  He had vassal kings attending, Bocchus of
Libya, Tarcondemus of the Upper Cilicia, Archelaus of
Cappadocia, Philadelphus of Paphlagonia, Mithridates of
Commagene, and Sadalas of Thrace; all these were with him in
person.  Out of Pontus Polemon sent him considerable forces, as
did also Malchus from Arabia, Herod the Jew, and Amyntas, king
of Lycaonia and Galatia; also the Median king sent some troops
to join him.  Caesar had two hundred and fifty galleys of war,
eighty thousand foot, and horse about equal to the enemy.
Antony's empire extended from Euphrates and Armenia to the
Ionian sea and the Illyrians; Caesar's, from Illyria to the
westward ocean, and from the ocean all along the Tuscan and
Sicilian sea.  Of Africa, Caesar had all the coast opposite to
Italy, Gaul, and Spain, as far as the Pillars of Hercules, and
Antony the provinces from Cyrene to Ethiopia.

But so wholly was he now the mere appendage to the person of
Cleopatra, that, although he was much superior to the enemy in
land-forces, yet, out of complaisance to his mistress, he wished
the victory to be gained by sea, and that, too, when he could
not but see how, for want of sailors, his captains, all through
unhappy Greece, were pressing every description of men, common
travelers and ass-drivers, harvest laborers and boys, and for
all this the vessels had not their complements, but remained,
most of them, ill-manned and badly rowed.  Caesar, on the other
side, had ships that were built not for size or show, but for
service, not pompous galleys, but light, swift, and perfectly
manned; and from his head-quarters at Tarentum and Brundusium he
sent messages to Antony not to protract the war, but come out
with his forces; he would give him secure roadsteads and ports
for his fleet, and, for his land army to disembark and pitch
their camp, he would leave him as much ground in Italy, inland
from the sea, as a horse could traverse in a single course.
Antony, on the other side, with the like bold language,
challenged him to a single combat, though he were much the
older; and, that being refused, proposed to meet him in the
Pharsalian fields, where Caesar and Pompey had fought before.
But whilst Antony lay with his fleet near Actium, where now
stands Nicopolis, Caesar seized his opportunity, and crossed the
Ionian sea, securing himself at a place in Epirus called the
Ladle. And when those about Antony were much disturbed, their
land-forces being a good way off, "Indeed," said Cleopatra, in
mockery, "we may well be frightened if Caesar has got hold of
the Ladle!"

On the morrow, Antony, seeing the enemy sailing up, and fearing
lest his ships might be taken for want of the soldiers to go on
board of them, armed all the rowers, and made a show upon the
decks of being in readiness to fight; the oars were mounted as
if waiting to be put in motion, and the vessels themselves drawn
up to face the enemy on either side of the channel of Actium, as
though they were properly manned, and ready for an engagement
And Caesar, deceived by this stratagem, retired.  He was also
thought to have shown considerable skill in cutting off the
water from the enemy by some lines of trenches and forts, water
not being plentiful anywhere else, nor very good.  And again,
his conduct to Domitius was generous, much against the will of
Cleopatra.  For when he had made his escape in a little boat to
Caesar, having then a fever upon him, although Antony could not
but resent it highly, yet he sent after him his whole equipage,
with his friends and servants; and Domitius, as if he would give
a testimony to the world how repentant he had become on his
desertion and treachery being thus manifest, died soon after.
Among the kings, also, Amyntas and Deiotarus went over to
Caesar.  And the fleet was so unfortunate in everything that
was undertaken, and so unready on every occasion, that Antony
was driven again to put his confidence in the land-forces.
Canidius, too, who commanded the legions, when he saw how things
stood, changed his opinion, and now was of advice that Cleopatra
should be sent back, and that, retiring into Thrace or
Macedonia, the quarrel should be decided in a land fight.  For
Dicomes, also, the king of the Getae, promised to come and join
him with a great army, and it would not be any kind of
disparagement to him to yield the sea to Caesar, who, in the
Sicilian wars, had had such long practice in ship-fighting; on
the contrary, it would be simply ridiculous for Antony, who was
by land the most experienced commander living, to make no use of
his well-disciplined and numerous infantry, scattering and
wasting his forces by parceling them out in the ships.  But for
all this, Cleopatra prevailed that a sea-fight should determine
all, having already an eye to flight, and ordering all her
affairs, not so as to assist in gaining a victory, but to escape
with the greatest safety from the first commencement of a
defeat.

There were two long walls, extending from the camp to the
station of the ships, between which Antony used to pass to and
fro without suspecting any danger.  But Caesar, upon the
suggestion of a servant that it would not be difficult to
surprise him, laid an ambush, which, rising up somewhat too
hastily, seized the man that came just before him, he himself
escaping narrowly by flight.

When it was resolved to stand to a fight at sea, they set fire
to all the Egyptian ships except sixty; and of these the best
and largest, from ten banks down to three, he manned with twenty
thousand full-armed men, and two thousand archers.  Here it is
related that a foot captain, one that had fought often under
Antony, and had his body all mangled with wounds, exclaimed, "O,
my general, what have our wounds and swords done to displease
you, that you should give your confidence to rotten timbers?
Let Egyptians and Phoenicians contend at sea, give us the land,
where we know well how to die upon the spot or gain the
victory."  To which he answered nothing, but, by his look and
motion of his hand seeming to bid him be of good courage, passed
forwards, having already, it would seem, no very sure hopes,
since when the masters proposed leaving the sails behind them,
he commanded they should be put aboard, "For we must not," said
he, "let one enemy escape."

That day and the three following the sea was so rough they could
not engage.  But on the fifth there was a calm, and they fought;
Antony commanding with Publicola the right, and Coelius the left
squadron, Marcus Octavius and Marcus Insteius the center.
Caesar gave the charge of the left to Agrippa, commanding in
person on the right.  As for the land-forces, Canidius was
general for Antony, Taurus for Caesar; both armies remaining
drawn up in order along the shore.  Antony in a small boat went
from one ship to another, encouraging his soldiers, and bidding
them stand firm, and fight as steadily on their large ships as
if they were on land.  The masters he ordered that they should
receive the enemy lying still as if they were at anchor, and
maintain the entrance of the port, which was a narrow and
difficult passage.  Of Caesar they relate, that, leaving his
tent and going round, while it was yet dark, to visit the ships,
he met a man driving an ass, and asked him his name.  He
answered him that his own name was "Fortunate, and my ass," says
he, "is called Conqueror."  And afterwards, when he disposed
the beaks of the ships in that place in token of his victory,
the statue of this man and his ass in bronze were placed amongst
them.  After examining the rest of his fleet, he went in a boat
to the right wing, and looked with much admiration at the enemy
lying perfectly still in the straits, in all appearance as if
they had been at anchor.  For some considerable length of time
he actually thought they were so, and kept his own ships at
rest, at a distance of about eight furlongs from them.  But
about noon a breeze sprang up from the sea, and Antony's men,
weary of expecting the enemy so long, and trusting to their
large tall vessels, as if they had been invincible, began to
advance the left squadron.  Caesar was overjoyed to see them
move, and ordered his own right squadron to retire, that he
might entice them out to sea as far as he could, his design
being to sail round and round, and so with his light and
well-manned galleys to attack these huge vessels, which their
size and their want of men made slow to move and difficult to
manage.

When they engaged, there was no charging or striking of one ship
by another, because Antony's, by reason of their great bulk,
were incapable of the rapidity required to make the stroke
effectual, and, on the other side, Caesar's durst not charge
head to head on Antony's, which were all armed with solid masses
and spikes of brass; nor did they like even to run in on their
sides, which were so strongly built with great squared pieces of
timber, fastened together with iron bolts, that their vessels'
beaks would easily have been shattered upon them.  So that the
engagement resembled a land fight, or, to speak yet more
properly, the attack and defense of a fortified place; for there
were always three or four vessels of Caesar's about one of
Antony's, pressing them with spears, javelins, poles, and
several inventions of fire, which they flung among them,
Antony's men using catapults also, to pour down missiles from
wooden towers.  Agrippa drawing out the squadron under his
command to outflank the enemy, Publicola was obliged to observe
his motions, and gradually to break off from the middle
squadron, where some confusion and alarm ensued, while
Arruntius engaged them.  But the fortune of the day was still
undecided, and the battle equal, when on a sudden Cleopatra's
sixty ships were seen hoisting sail and making out to sea in
full flight, right through the ships that were engaged.  For
they were placed behind the great ships, which, in breaking
through, they put into disorder.  The enemy was astonished to
see them sailing off with a fair wind towards Peloponnesus.
Here it was that Antony showed to all the world that he was no
longer actuated by the thoughts and motives of a commander or a
man, or indeed by his own judgment at all, and what was once
said as a jest, that the soul of a lover lives in some one
else's body, he proved to be a serious truth.  For, as if he had
been born part of her, and must move with her wheresoever she
went, as soon as he saw her ship sailing away, he abandoned all
that were fighting and spending their lives for him, and put
himself aboard a galley of five ranks of oars, taking with him
only Alexander of Syria and Scellias, to follow her that had so
well begun his ruin and would hereafter accomplish it.

She, perceiving him to follow, gave the signal to come aboard.
So, as soon as he came up with them, he was taken into the ship.
But without seeing her or letting himself be seen by her, he
went forward by himself, and sat alone, without a word, in the
ship's prow, covering his face with his two hands.  In the
meanwhile, some of Caesar's light Liburnian ships, that were in
pursuit, came in sight.  But on Antony's commanding to face
about, they all gave back except Eurycles the Laconian, who
pressed on, shaking a lance from the deck, as if he meant to
hurl it at him.  Antony, standing at the prow, demanded of him,
"Who is this that pursues Antony?"  "I am," said he, "Eurycles,
the son of Lachares, armed with Caesar's fortune to revenge my
father's death."  Lachares had been condemned for a robbery, and
beheaded by Antony's orders.  However, Eurycles did not attack
Antony, but ran with his full force upon the other
admiral-galley (for there were two of them), and with the blow
turned her round, and took both her and another ship, in which
was a quantity of rich plate and furniture.  So soon as Eurycles
was gone, Antony returned to his posture, and sat silent, and
thus he remained for three days, either in anger with Cleopatra,
or wishing not to upbraid her, at the end of which they touched
at Taenarus.  Here the women of their company succeeded first in
bringing them to speak, and afterwards to eat and sleep
together.  And, by this time, several of the ships of burden and
some of his friends began to come in to him from the rout,
bringing news of his fleet's being quite destroyed, but that the
land-forces, they thought, still stood firm.  So that he sent
messengers to Canidius to march the army with all speed through
Macedonia into Asia.  And, designing himself to go from Taenarus
into Africa, he gave one of the merchant ships, laden with a
large sum of money, and vessels of silver and gold of great
value, belonging to the royal collections, to his friends,
desiring them to share it amongst them, and provide for their
own safety.  They refusing his kindness with tears in their
eyes, he comforted them with all the goodness and humanity
imaginable, entreating them to leave him, and wrote letters in
their behalf to Theophilus, his steward, at Corinth, that he
would provide for their security, and keep them concealed till
such time as they could make their peace with Caesar.  This
Theophilus was the father of Hipparchus, who had such interest
with Antony, who was the first of all his freedmen that went
over to Caesar, and who settled afterwards at Corinth.  In this
posture were affairs with Antony.

But at Actium, his fleet, after a long resistance to Caesar, and
suffering the most damage from a heavy sea that set in right
ahead, scarcely, at four in the afternoon, gave up the contest,
with the loss of not more than five thousand men killed, but of
three hundred ships taken, as Caesar himself has recorded.  Only
few had known of Antony's flight; and those who were told of it
could not at first give any belief to so incredible a thing, as
that a general who had nineteen entire legions and twelve
thousand horse upon the sea-shore, could abandon all and fly
away; and he, above all, who had so often experienced both good
and evil fortune, and had in a thousand wars and battles been
inured to changes.  His soldiers, howsoever would not give up
their desires and expectations, still fancying he would appear
from some part or other, and showed such a generous fidelity to
his service, that, when they were thoroughly assured that he was
fled in earnest, they kept themselves in a body seven days,
making no account of the messages that Caesar sent to them.  But
at last, seeing that Canidius himself, who commanded them, was
fled from the camp by night, and that all their officers had
quite abandoned them, they gave way, and made their submission
to the conqueror.  After this, Caesar set sail for Athens, where
he made a settlement with Greece, and distributed what remained
of the provision of corn that Antony had made for his army among
the cities, which were in a miserable condition, despoiled of
their money, their slaves, their horses, and beasts of service.
My great-grandfather Nicarchus used to relate, that the whole
body of the people of our city were put in requisition to carry
each one a certain measure of corn upon their shoulders to the
sea-side near Anticyra, men standing by to quicken them with the
lash.  They had made one journey of the kind, but when they had
just measured out the corn and were putting it on their backs
for a second, news came of Antony's defeat, and so saved
Chaeronea, for all Antony's purveyors and soldiers fled upon the
news, and left them to divide the corn among themselves.

When Antony came into Africa, he sent on Cleopatra from
Paraetonium into Egypt, and stayed himself in the most entire
solitude that he could desire, roaming and wandering about with
only two friends, one a Greek, Aristocrates, a rhetorician, and
the other a Roman, Lucilius, of whom we have elsewhere spoken,
how, at Philippi, to give Brutus time to escape, he suffered
himself to be taken by the pursuers, pretending he was Brutus.
Antony gave him his life, and on this account he remained true
and faithful to him to the last.

But when also the officer who commanded for him in Africa, to
whose care he had committed all his forces there, took them over
to Caesar, he resolved to kill himself, but was hindered by his
friends.  And coming to Alexandria, he found Cleopatra busied in
a most bold and wonderful enterprise.  Over the small space of
land which divides the Red Sea from the sea near Egypt, which
may be considered also the boundary between Asia and Africa, and
in the narrowest place is not much above three hundred furlongs
across, over this neck of land Cleopatra had formed a project of
dragging her fleet, and setting it afloat in the Arabian Gulf,
thus with her soldiers and her treasure to secure herself a home
on the other side, where she might live in peace, far away from
war and slavery.  But the first galleys which were carried over
being burnt by the Arabians of Petra, and Antony not knowing but
that the army before Actium still held together, she desisted
from her enterprise, and gave orders for the fortifying all the
approaches to Egypt.  But Antony, leaving the city and the
conversation of his friends, built him a dwelling-place in the
water, near Pharos, upon a little mole which he cast up in the
sea, and there, secluding himself from the company of mankind,
said he desired nothing but to live the life of Timon; as,
indeed, his case was the same, and the ingratitude and injuries
which he suffered from those he had esteemed his friends, made
him hate and mistrust all mankind.

This Timon was a citizen of Athens, and lived much about the
Peloponnesian war, as may be seen by the comedies of
Aristophanes and Plato, in which he is ridiculed as the hater
and enemy of mankind.  He avoided and repelled the approaches of
everyone, but embraced with kisses and the greatest show of
affection Alcibiades, then in his hot youth.  And when Apemantus
was astonished, and demanded the reason, he replied that he knew
this young man would one day do infinite mischief to the
Athenians.  He never admitted anyone into his company, except
at times this Apemantus, who was of the same sort of temper, and
was an imitator of his way of life.  At the celebration of the
festival of flagons, these two kept the feast together, and
Apemantus saying to him, "What a pleasant party, Timon!"  "It
would be," he answered, "if you were away."  One day he got up
in a full assembly on the speaker's place, and when there was a
dead silence and great wonder at so unusual a sight, he said,
"Ye men of Athens, I have a little plot of ground, and in it
grows a fig-tree, on which many citizens have been pleased to
hang themselves; and now, having resolved to build in that
place, I wished to announce it publicly that any of you who may
be desirous may go and hang yourselves before I cut it down."
He died and was buried at Halae, near the sea, where it so
happened that, after his burial, a land-slip took place on the
point of the shore, and the sea, flowing in, surrounded his
tomb, and made it inaccessible to the foot of man.  It bore this
inscription: --

Here am I laid, my life of misery done.\\
Ask not my name, I curse you every one.\\

And this epitaph was made by himself while yet alive; that which
is more generally known is by Callimachus: --

Timon, the misanthrope, am I below.\\
Go, and revile me, traveler, only go.\\

Thus much of Timon, of whom much more might be said.  Canidius
now came, bringing word in person of the loss of the army before
Actium.  Then he received news that Herod of Judaea was gone
over to Caesar with some legions and cohorts, and that the other
kings and princes were in like manner deserting him, and that,
out of Egypt, nothing stood by him.  All this, however, seemed
not to disturb him, but, as if he were glad to put away all
hope, that with it he might be rid of all care, and leaving his
habitation by the sea, which he called the Timoneum, he was
received by Cleopatra in the palace, and set the whole city into
a course of feasting, drinking, and presents.  The son of Caesar
and Cleopatra was registered among the youths, and Antyllus, his
own son by Fulvia, received the gown without the purple border,
given to those that are come of age; in honor of which the
citizens of Alexandria did nothing but feast and revel for many
days.  They themselves broke up the Order of the Inimitable
Livers, and constituted another in its place, not inferior in
splendor, luxury, and sumptuosity, calling it that of the Diers
together. For all those that said they would die with Antony
and Cleopatra gave in their names, for the present passing their
time in all manner of pleasures and a regular succession of
banquets.  But Cleopatra was busied in making a collection of
all varieties of poisonous drugs, and, in order to see which of
them were the least painful in the operation, she had them tried
upon prisoners condemned to die.  But, finding that the quick
poisons always worked with sharp pains, and that the less
painful were slow, she next tried venomous animals, and watched
with her own eyes whilst they were applied, one creature to the
body of another.  This was her daily practice, and she pretty
well satisfied herself that nothing was comparable to the bite
of the asp, which, without convulsion or groaning, brought on a
heavy drowsiness and lethargy, with a gentle sweat on the face,
the senses being stupefied by degrees; the patient, in
appearance, being sensible of no pain, but rather troubled to be
disturbed or awakened, like those that are in a profound natural
sleep.

At the same time, they sent ambassadors to Caesar into Asia,
Cleopatra asking for the kingdom of Egypt for her children, and
Antony, that he might have leave to live as a private man in
Egypt, or, if that were thought too much, that he might retire
to Athens.  In lack of friends, so many having deserted, and
others not being trusted, Euphronius, his son's tutor, was sent
on this embassy.  For Alexas of Laodicea, who, by the
recommendation of Timagenes, became acquainted with Antony at
Rome, and had been more powerful with him than any Greek, and
was, of all the instruments which Cleopatra made use of to
persuade Antony, the most violent, and the chief subverter of
any good thoughts that, from time to time, might rise in his
mind in Octavia's favor, had been sent before to dissuade Herod
from desertion; but, betraying his master, stayed with him, and,
confiding in Herod's interest, had the boldness to come into
Caesar's presence.  Herod, however, was not able to help him,
for he was immediately put in chains, and sent into his own
country, where, by Caesar's order, he was put to death.  This
reward of his treason Alexas received while Antony was yet
alive.

Caesar would not listen to any proposals for Antony, but he made
answer to Cleopatra, that there was no reasonable favor which
she might not expect, if she put Antony to death, or expelled
him from Egypt.  He sent back with the ambassadors his own
freedman Thyrsus, a man of understanding, and not at all
ill-qualified for conveying the messages of a youthful general
to a woman so proud of her charms and possessed with the opinion
of the power of her beauty.  But by the long audiences he
received from her, and the special honors which she paid him,
Antony's jealousy began to be awakened; he had him seized,
whipped, and sent back; writing Caesar word that the man's busy,
impertinent ways had provoked him; in his circumstances he could
not be expected to be very patient: "But if it offend you," he
added, "you have got my freedman, Hipparchus, with you; hang him
up and scourge him to make us even."  But Cleopatra, after this,
to clear herself, and to allay his jealousies, paid him all the
attentions imaginable.  When her own birthday came, she kept it
as was suitable to their fallen fortunes; but his was observed
with the utmost prodigality of splendor and magnificence, so
that many of the guests sat down in want, and went home wealthy
men.  Meantime, continual letters came to Caesar from Agrippa,
telling him his presence was extremely required at Rome.

And so the war was deferred for a season.  But, the winter being
over, he began his march; he himself by Syria, and his captains
through Africa.  Pelusium being taken, there went a report as if
it had been delivered up to Caesar by Seleucus not without the
consent of Cleopatra; but she, to justify herself, gave up into
Antony's hands the wife and children of Seleucus to be put to
death.  She had caused to be built, joining to the temple of Isis,
several tombs and monuments of wonderful height, and very
remarkable for the workmanship; thither she removed her
treasure, her gold, silver, emeralds, pearls, ebony, ivory,
cinnamon, and, after all, a great quantity of torchwood and tow.
Upon which Caesar began to fear lest she should, in a desperate
fit, set all these riches on fire; and, therefore, while he was
marching towards the city with his army, he omitted no occasion
of giving her new assurances of his good intentions.  He took up
his position in the Hippodrome, where Antony made a fierce sally
upon him, routed the horse, and beat them back into their
trenches, and so returned with great satisfaction to the palace,
where, meeting Cleopatra, armed as he was, he kissed her, and
commended to her favor one of his men, who had most signalized
himself in the fight, to whom she made a present of a
breastplate and helmet of gold; which he having received, went
that very night and deserted to Caesar.

After this, Antony sent a new challenge to Caesar, to fight him
hand to hand; who made him answer that he might find several
other ways to end his life; and he, considering with himself
that he could not die more honorably than in battle, resolved to
make an effort both by land and sea.  At supper, it is said, he
bade his servants help him freely, and pour him out wine
plentifully, since tomorrow, perhaps, they should not do the
same, but be servants to a new master, whilst he should lie on
the ground, a dead corpse, and nothing.  His friends that were
about him wept to hear him talk so; which he perceiving, told
them he would not lead them to a battle in which he expected
rather an honorable death than either safety or victory.  That
night, it is related, about the middle of it, when the whole
city was in a deep silence and general sadness, expecting the
event of the next day, on a sudden was heard the sound of all
sorts of instruments, and voices singing in tune, and the cry of
a crowd of people shouting and dancing, like a troop of
bacchanals on its way.  This tumultuous procession seemed to
take its course right through the middle of the city to the gate
nearest the enemy; here it became loudest, and suddenly passed
out.  People who reflected considered this to signify that
Bacchus, the god whom Antony had always made it his study to
copy and imitate, had now forsaken him.

As soon as it was light, he marched his infantry out of the
city, and posted them upon a rising ground, from whence he saw
his fleet make up to the enemy.  There he stood in expectation
of the event; but, as soon as the fleets came near to one
another, his men saluted Caesar's with their oars; and, on their
responding, the whole body of the ships, forming into a single
fleet, rowed up direct to the city.  Antony had no sooner seen
this, but the horse deserted him, and went over to Caesar; and
his foot being defeated, he retired into the city, crying out
that Cleopatra had betrayed him to the enemies he had made for
her sake.  She, being afraid lest in his fury and despair he
might do her a mischief, fled to her monument, and letting down
the falling doors, which were strong with bars and bolts, she
sent messengers who should tell Antony she was dead.  He,
believing it, cried out, "Now, Antony, why delay longer?  Fate
has snatched away the only pretext for which you could say you
desired yet to live."  Going into his chamber, and there
loosening and opening his coat of armor, "I am not," said he,
"troubled, Cleopatra, to be at present bereaved of you, for I
shall soon be with you; but it distresses me that so great a
general should be found of a tardier courage than a woman."  He
had a faithful servant, whose name was Eros; he had engaged him
formerly to kill him when he should think it necessary, and now
he put him to his promise.  Eros drew his sword, as designing to
kill him, but, suddenly turning round, he slew himself.  And as
he fell dead at his feet, "It is well done, Eros," said Antony;
"you show your master how to do what you had not the heart to do
yourself;" and so he ran himself into the belly, and laid
himself upon the couch.  The wound, however, was not immediately
mortal; and the flow of blood ceasing when he lay down,
presently he came to himself, and entreated those that were
about him to put him out of his pain; but they all fled out of
the chamber, and left him crying out and struggling, until
Diomede, Cleopatra's secretary, came to him, having orders from
her to bring him into the monument.

When he understood she was alive, he eagerly gave order to the
servants to take him up, and in their arms was carried to the
door of the building.  Cleopatra would not open the door, but,
looking from a sort of window, she let down ropes and cords, to
which Antony was fastened; and she and her two women, the only
persons she had allowed to enter the monument, drew him up.
Those that were present say that nothing was ever more sad than
this spectacle, to see Antony, covered all over with blood and
just expiring, thus drawn up, still holding up his hands to her,
and lifting up his body with the little force he had left.  As,
indeed, it was no easy task for the women; and Cleopatra, with
all her force, clinging to the rope, and straining with her head
to the ground, with difficulty pulled him up, while those below
encouraged her with their cries, and joined in all her effort
and anxiety.  When she had got him up, she laid him on the bed,
tearing all her clothes, which she spread upon him; and, beating
her breasts with her hands, lacerating herself, and disfiguring
her own face with the blood from his wounds, she called him her
lord, her husband, her emperor, and seemed to have pretty nearly
forgotten all her own evils, she was so intent upon his
misfortunes.  Antony, stopping her lamentations as well as he
could, called for wine to drink, either that he was thirsty; or
that he imagined that it might put him the sooner out of pain.
When he had drunk, he advised her to bring her own affairs, so
far as might be honorably done, to a safe conclusion, and that,
among all the friends of Caesar, she should rely on Proculeius;
that she should not pity him in this last turn of fate, but
rather rejoice for him in remembrance of his past happiness, who
had been of all men the most illustrious and powerful, and, in
the end, had fallen not ignobly, a Roman by a Roman overcome.

Just as he breathed his last, Proculeius arrived from Caesar;
for when Antony gave himself his wound, and was carried in to
Cleopatra, one of his guards, Dercetaeus, took up Antony's sword
and hid it; and, when he saw his opportunity, stole away to
Caesar, and brought him the first news of Antony's death, and
withal showed him the bloody sword.  Caesar, upon this, retired
into the inner part of his tent, and, giving some tears to the
death of one that had been nearly allied to him in marriage, his
colleague in empire, and companion in so many wars and dangers,
he came out to his friends, and, bringing with him many letters,
he read to them with how much reason and moderation he had
always addressed himself to Antony, and in return what
overbearing and arrogant answers he received.  Then he sent
Proculeius to use his utmost endeavors to get Cleopatra alive
into his power; for he was afraid of losing a great treasure,
and, besides, she would be no small addition to the glory of his
triumph.  She, however, was careful not to put herself in
Proculeius's power; but from within her monument, he standing on
the outside of a door, on the level of the ground, which was
strongly barred, but so that they might well enough hear one
another's voice, she held a conference with him; she demanding
that her kingdom might be given to her children, and he bidding
her be of good courage, and trust Caesar for everything.

Having taken particular notice of the place, he returned to
Caesar, and Gallus was sent to parley with her the second time;
who, being come to the door, on purpose prolonged the
conference, while Proculeius fixed his scaling-ladders in the
window through which the women had pulled up Antony.  And so
entering, with two men to follow him, he went straight down to
the door where Cleopatra was discoursing with Gallus.  One of
the two women who were shut up in the monument with her cried
out, "Miserable Cleopatra, you are taken prisoner!"  Upon which
she turned quick, and, looking at Proculeius, drew out her
dagger, which she had with her to stab herself.  But Proculeius
ran up quickly, and, seizing her with both his hands, "For
shame," said he, "Cleopatra; you wrong yourself and Caesar much,
who would rob him of so fair an occasion of showing his
clemency, and would make the world believe the most gentle of
commanders to be a faithless and implacable enemy."  And so,
taking the dagger out of her hand, he also shook her dress to
see if there were any poison hid in it.  After this, Caesar sent
Epaphroditus, one of his freedmen, with orders to treat her with
all the gentleness and civility possible, but to take the
strictest precautions to keep her alive.

In the meanwhile, Caesar made his entry into Alexandria, with
Areius the philosopher at his side, holding him by the hand and
talking with him; desiring that all his fellow-citizens should
see what honor was paid to him, and should look up to him
accordingly from the very first moment.  Then, entering the
exercise-ground, he mounted a platform erected for the purpose,
and from thence commanded the citizens (who, in great fear and
consternation, fell prostrate at his feet) to stand up, and told
them, that he freely acquitted the people of all blame, first,
for the sake of Alexander, who built their city; then, for the
city's sake itself, which was so large and beautiful; and,
thirdly, to gratify his friend Areius.

Such great honor did Areius receive from Caesar; and by his
intercession many lives were saved, amongst the rest that of
Philostratus, a man, of all the professors of logic that ever
were, the most ready in extempore speaking, but quite destitute
of any right to call himself one of the philosophers of the
Academy.  Caesar, out of disgust at his character, refused all
attention to his entreaties.  So, growing a long, white beard,
and dressing himself in black, he followed behind Areius,
shouting out the verse,

The wise, if they are wise, will save the wise.

Which Caesar hearing, gave him his pardon, to prevent rather any
odium that might attach to Areius, than any harm that
Philostratus might suffer.

Of Antony's children, Antyllus, his son by Fulvia, being
betrayed by his tutor, Theodorus, was put to death; and while
the soldiers were cutting off his head, his tutor contrived to
steal a precious jewel which he wore about his neck, and put it
into his pocket, and afterwards denied the fact, but was
convicted and crucified.  Cleopatra's children, with their
attendants, had a guard set on them, and were treated very
honorably.  Caesarion, who was reputed to be the son of Caesar
the Dictator, was sent by his mother, with a great sum of money,
through Ethiopia, to pass into India; but his tutor, a man named
Rhodon, about as honest as Theodorus, persuaded him to turn
back, for that Caesar designed to make him king.  Caesar
consulting what was best to be done with him, Areius, we are
told, said,

Too many Caesars are not well.\\
So, afterwards, when Cleopatra was dead, he was killed.\\

Many kings and great commanders made petition to Caesar for the
body of Antony, to give him his funeral rites; but he would not
take away his corpse from Cleopatra, by whose hands he was
buried with royal splendor and magnificence, it being granted to
her to employ what she pleased on his funeral.  In this
extremity of grief and sorrow, and having inflamed and ulcerated
her breasts with beating them, she fell into a high fever, and
was very glad of the occasion, hoping, under this pretext, to
abstain from food, and so to die in quiet without interference.
She had her own physician, Olympus, to whom she told the truth,
and asked his advice and help to put an end to herself, as
Olympus himself has told us, in a narrative which he wrote of
these events.  But Caesar, suspecting her purpose, took to
menacing language about her children, and excited her fears for
them, before which engines her purpose shook and gave way, so
that she suffered those about her to give her what meat or
medicine they pleased.

Some few days after, Caesar himself came to make her a visit and
comfort her.  She lay then upon her pallet-bed in undress,
and, on his entering in, sprang up from off her bed, having
nothing on but the one garment next her body, and flung herself
at his feet, her hair and face looking wild and disfigured, her
voice quivering, and her eyes sunk in her head.  The marks of
the blows she had given herself were visible about her bosom,
and altogether her whole person seemed no less afflicted than
her soul.  But, for all this, her old charm, and the boldness of
her youthful beauty had not wholly left her, and, in spite of
her present condition, still sparkled from within, and let
itself appear in all the movements of her countenance.  Caesar,
desiring her to repose herself, sat down by her; and, on this
opportunity, she said something to justify her actions,
attributing what she had done to the necessity she was under,
and to her fear of Antony; and when Caesar, on each point, made
his objections, and she found herself confuted, she broke off at
once into language of entreaty and deprecation, as if she
desired nothing more than to prolong her life.  And at last,
having by her a list of her treasure, she gave it into his
hands; and when Seleucus, one of her stewards, who was by,
pointed out that various articles were omitted, and charged her
with secreting them, she flew up and caught him by the hair, and
struck him several blows on the face.  Caesar smiling and
withholding her, "Is it not very hard, Caesar," said she, "when
you do me the honor to visit me in this condition I am in, that
I should be accused by one of my own servants of laying by some
women's toys, not meant to adorn, be sure, my unhappy self, but
that I might have some little present by me to make your Octavia
and your Livia, that by their intercession I might hope to find
you in some measure disposed to mercy?"  Caesar was pleased to
hear her talk thus, being now assured that she was desirous to
live.  And, therefore, letting her know that the things she had
laid by she might dispose of as she pleased, and his usage of
her should be honorable above her expectation, he went away,
well satisfied that he had overreached her, but, in fact, was
himself deceived.

There was a young man of distinction among Caesar's companions,
named Cornelius Dolabella.  He was not without a certain
tenderness for Cleopatra, and sent her word privately, as she
had besought him to do, that Caesar was about to return through
Syria, and that she and her children were to be sent on within
three days.  When she understood this, she made her request to
Caesar that he would be pleased to permit her to make oblations
to the departed Antony; which being granted, she ordered herself
to be carried to the place where he was buried, and there,
accompanied by her women, she embraced his tomb with tears in
her eyes, and spoke in this manner: "O, dearest Antony," said
she, "it is not long since that with these hands I buried you;
then they were free, now I am a captive, and pay these last
duties to you with a guard upon me, for fear that my just griefs
and sorrows should impair my servile body, and make it less fit
to appear in their triumph over you.  No further offerings or
libations expect from me; these are the last honors that
Cleopatra can pay your memory, for she is to be hurried away far
from you.  Nothing could part us whilst we lived, but death
seems to threaten to divide us.  You, a Roman born, have found a
grave in Egypt; I, an Egyptian, am to seek that favor, and none
but that, in your country.  But if the gods below, with whom
you now are, either can or will do anything (since those above
have betrayed us), suffer not your living wife to be abandoned;
let me not be led in triumph to your shame, but hide me and bury
me here with you, since, amongst all my bitter misfortunes,
nothing has afflicted me like this brief time that I have lived
away from you."

Having made these lamentations, crowning the tomb with garlands
and kissing it, she gave orders to prepare her a bath, and,
coming out of the bath, she lay down and made a sumptuous meal.
And a country fellow brought her a little basket, which the
guards intercepting and asking what it was, the fellow put the
leaves which lay uppermost aside, and showed them it was full of
figs; and on their admiring the largeness and beauty of the
figs, he laughed, and invited them to take some, which they
refused, and, suspecting nothing, bade him carry them in.  After
her repast, Cleopatra sent to Caesar a letter which she had
written and sealed; and, putting everybody out of the monument
but her two women, she shut the doors.  Caesar, opening her
letter, and finding pathetic prayers and entreaties that she
might be buried in the same tomb with Antony, soon guessed what
was doing.  At first he was going himself in all haste, but,
changing his mind, he sent others to see.  The thing had been
quickly done.  The messengers came at full speed, and found the
guards apprehensive of nothing; but on opening the doors, they
saw her stone-dead, lying upon a bed of gold, set out in all her
royal ornaments.  Iras, one of her women, lay dying at her feet,
and Charmion, just ready to fall, scarce able to hold up her
head, was adjusting her mistress's diadem.  And when one that
came in said angrily, "Was this well done of your lady,
Charmion?"  "Extremely well," she answered, "and as became the
descendant of so many kings"; and as she said this, she fell
down dead by the bedside.

Some relate that an asp was brought in amongst those figs and
covered with the leaves, and that Cleopatra had arranged that it
might settle on her before she knew, but, when she took away
some of the figs and saw it, she said, "So here it is," and held
out her bare arm to be bitten.  Others say that it was kept in a
vase, and that she vexed and pricked it with a golden spindle
till it seized her arm.  But what really took place is known to
no one.  Since it was also said that she carried poison in a
hollow bodkin, about which she wound her hair; yet there was not
so much as a spot found, or any symptom of poison upon her body,
nor was the asp seen within the monument; only something like
the trail of it was said to have been noticed on the sand by the
sea, on the part towards which the building faced and where the
windows were.  Some relate that two faint puncture-marks were
found on Cleopatra's arm, and to this account Caesar seems to
have given credit; for in his triumph there was carried a figure
of Cleopatra, with an asp clinging to her.  Such are the various
accounts.  But Caesar, though much disappointed by her death,
yet could not but admire the greatness of her spirit, and gave
order that her body should he buried by Antony with royal
splendor and magnificence.  Her women, also, received honorable
burial by his directions.  Cleopatra had lived nine and thirty
years, during twenty-two of which she had reigned as queen, and
for fourteen had been Antony's partner in his empire.  Antony,
according to some authorities, was fifty-three, according to
others, fifty-six years old.  His statues were all thrown down,
but those of Cleopatra were left untouched; for Archibius, one
of her friends, gave Caesar two thousand talents to save them
from the fate of Antony's.

Antony left by his three wives seven children, of whom only
Antyllus, the eldest, was put to death by Caesar; Octavia took
the rest, and brought them up with her own.  Cleopatra, his
daughter by Cleopatra, was given in marriage to Juba, the most
accomplished of kings; and Antony, his son by Fulvia, attained
such high favor, that whereas Agrippa was considered to hold the
first place with Caesar, and the sons of Livia the second, the
third, without dispute, was possessed by Antony.  Octavia, also,
having had by her first husband, Marcellus, two daughters, and
one son named Marcellus, this son Caesar adopted, and gave him
his daughter in marriage; as did Octavia one of the daughters to
Agrippa.  But Marcellus dying almost immediately after his
marriage, she, perceiving that her brother was at a loss to find
elsewhere any sure friend to be his son-in-law, was the first to
recommend that Agrippa should put away her daughter and marry
Julia.  To this Caesar first, and then Agrippa himself, gave
assent; so Agrippa married Julia, and Octavia, receiving her
daughter, married her to the young Antony.  Of the two daughters
whom Octavia had borne to Antony, the one was married to
Domitius Ahenobarbus; and the other, Antonia, famous for her
beauty and discretion, was married to Drusus, the son of Livia,
and step-son to Caesar.  Of these parents were born Germanicus
and Claudius.  Claudius reigned later; and of the children of
Germanicus, Caius, after a reign of distinction, was killed with
his wife and child; Agrippina, after bearing a son, Lucius
Domitius, to Ahenobarbus, was married to Claudius Caesar, who
adopted Domitius, giving him the name of Nero Germanicus.  He
was emperor in our time, and put his mother to death, and with
his madness and folly came not far from ruining the Roman
empire, being Antony's descendant in the fifth generation.