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Plato. Plato in Twelve Volumes, Vols. 5 & 6 translated by Paul Shorey. Cambridge, MA, Harvard University Press; London, William Heinemann Ltd. 1969. 

====== Plato: Republic Book 4 ======


[419a]

Socrates

And Adeimantus broke in and said, “What will be your defence, Socrates, if anyone objects that you are not making these men very happy,1 and that through their own fault? For the city really belongs to them and yet they get no enjoyment out of it as ordinary men do by owning lands and building fine big houses and providing them with suitable furniture and winning the favor of the gods by private sacrifices2 and entertaining guests and enjoying too those possessions which you just now spoke of, gold and silver and all that is customary for those who are expecting to be happy? But they seem, one might say, to be established in idleness in the city, [420a] exactly like hired mercenaries, with nothing to do but keep guard.” “Yes,” said I, “and what is more, they serve for board-wages and do not even receive pay in addition to their food as others do,3 so that they will not even be able to take a journey4 on their own account, if they wish to, or make presents to their mistresses, or spend money in other directions according to their desires like the men who are thought to be happy. These and many similar counts of the indictment you are omitting.” “Well,” said he, “assume these counts too.5” [420b] “What then will be our apology you ask?” “Yes.” “By following the same path I think we shall find what to reply. For we shall say that while it would not surprise us if these men thus living prove to be the most happy, yet the object on which we fixed our eyes in the establishment of our state was not the exceptional happiness of any one class but the greatest possible happiness of the city as a whole. For we thought6 that in a state so constituted we should be most likely to discover justice as we should injustice [420c] in the worst governed state, and that when we had made these out we could pass judgement on the issue of our long inquiry. Our first task then, we take it, is to mold the model of a happy state—we are not isolating7 a small class in it and postulating their happiness, but that of the city as a whole. But the opposite type of state we will consider presently.8 It is as if we were coloring a statue and someone approached and censured us, saying that we did not apply the most beautiful pigments to the most beautiful parts of the image, since the eyes,9 which are the most beautiful part, have not been painted with purple but with black— [420d] we should think it a reasonable justification to reply, ‘Don't expect us, quaint friend, to paint the eyes so fine that they will not be like eyes at all, nor the other parts. But observe whether by assigning what is proper to each we render the whole beautiful.10’ And so in the present case you must not require us to attach to the guardians a happiness that will make them anything but guardians. [420e] For in like manner we could11 clothe the farmers in robes of state and deck them with gold and bid them cultivate the soil at their pleasure, and we could make the potters recline on couches from left to right12 before the fire drinking toasts and feasting with their wheel alongside to potter with when they are so disposed, and we can make all the others happy in the same fashion, so that thus the entire city may be happy. But urge us not to this, [421a] since, if we yield, the farmer will not be a farmer nor the potter a potter, nor will any other of the types that constitute state keep its form. However, for the others it matters less. For cobblers13 who deteriorate and are spoiled and pretend to be the workmen that they are not are no great danger to a state. But guardians of laws and of the city who are not what they pretend to be, but only seem, destroy utterly, I would have you note, the entire state, and on the other hand, they alone are decisive of its good government and happiness. If then we are forming true guardians [421b] and keepers of our liberties, men least likely to harm the commonwealth, but the proponent of the other ideal is thinking of farmers and 'happy' feasters as it were in a festival and not in a civic community, he would have something else in mind14 than a state. Consider, then, whether our aim in establishing the guardians is the greatest possible happiness among them or whether that is something we must look to see develop in the city as a whole, but these helpers and guardians [421c] are to be constrained and persuaded to do what will make them the best craftsmen in their own work, and similarly all the rest. And so, as the entire city develops and is ordered well, each class is to be left, to the share of happiness that its nature comports.

“Well,” he said, “I think you are right.” “And will you then,” I said, “also think me reasonable in another point akin to this?” “What pray?” “Consider whether [421d] these are the causes that corrupt other15 craftsmen too so as positively to spoil them.16” “What causes?” “Wealth and poverty,”17 said I. “How so?” “Thus! do you think a potter who grew rich would any longer be willing to give his mind to his craft?” “By no means,” said he. “But will he become more idle and negligent than he was?” “Far more.” “Then he becomes a worse potter?” “Far worse too.” “And yet again, if from poverty he is unable to provide himself with tools and other requirements of his art, [421e] the work that he turns out will be worse, and he will also make inferior workmen of his sons or any others whom he teaches.” “Of course.” “From both causes, then, poverty and wealth, the products of the arts deteriorate, and so do the artisans?” “So it appears.” “Here, then, is a second group of things it seems that our guardians must guard against and do all in their power to keep from slipping into the city without their knowledge.” “What are they?” [422a] “Wealth and poverty,” said I, “since the one brings luxury, idleness and innovation, and the other illiberality and the evil of bad workmanship in addition to innovation.” “Assuredly,” he said; “yet here is a point for your consideration, Socrates, how our city, possessing no wealth, will be able to wage war, especially if compelled to fight a large and wealthy state.” “Obviously,” said I, “it would be rather difficult to fight one such, [422b] but easier to fight two.18” “What did you mean by that?” he said. “Tell me first,” I said, “whether, if they have to fight, they will not be fighting as athletes of war19 against men of wealth?” “Yes, that is true,” he said. “Answer me then, Adeimantus. Do you not think that one boxer perfectly trained in the art could easily fight two fat rich men who knew nothing of it?” “Not at the same time perhaps,” said he. “Not even,” said I, “if he were allowed to retreat20 [422c] and then turn and strike the one who came up first, and if he repeated the procedure many times under a burning and stifling sun? Would not such a fighter down even a number of such opponents?” “Doubtless,” he said; “it wouldn't be surprising if he did.” “Well, don't you think that the rich have more of the skill and practice21 of boxing than of the art of war?” “I do,” he said. “It will be easy, then, for our athletes in all probability to fight with double and triple their number.” “I shall have to concede the point,” [422d] he said, “for I believe you are right.” “Well then, if they send an embassy to the other city and say what is in fact true22: ‘We make no use of gold and silver nor is it lawful for us but it is for you: do you then join us in the war and keep the spoils of the enemy,’23—do you suppose any who heard such a proposal would choose to fight against hard and wiry hounds rather than with the aid of the hounds against fat and tender sheep?” “I think not.” “Yet consider whether the accumulation [422e] of all the wealth of other cities in one does not involve danger for the state that has no wealth.” “What happy innocence,” said I, “to suppose that you can properly use the name city of any other than the one we are constructing.” “Why, what should we say?” he said. “A greater predication,” said I, “must be applied to the others. For they are each one of them many cities, not a city, as it goes in the game.24 There are two at the least at enmity with one another, the city of the rich [423a] and the city of the poor,25 and in each of these there are many. If you deal with them as one you will altogether miss the mark, but if you treat them as a multiplicity by offering to the one faction the property, the power, the very persons of the other, you will continue always to have few enemies and many allies. And so long as your city is governed soberly in the order just laid down, it will be the greatest of cities. I do not mean greatest in repute, but in reality, even though it have only a thousand26 defenders. For a city of this size [423b] that is really one27 you will not easily discover either among Greeks or barbarians—but of those that seem so you will find many and many times the size of this. Or do you think otherwise?” “No, indeed I don't,” said he.

“Would not this, then, be the best rule and measure for our governors of the proper size of the city and of the territory that they should mark off for a city of that size and seek no more?” “What is the measure?” “I think,” said I, “that they should let it grow so long as in its growth it consents28 to remain a unity, [423c] but no further.” “Excellent,” he said. “Then is not this still another injunction that we should lay upon our guardians, to keep guard in every way that the city shall not be too small, nor great only in seeming, but that it shall be a sufficient city and one?” “That behest will perhaps be an easy29 one for them,” he said. “And still easier,30 haply,” I said, “is this that we mentioned before31 when we said that if a degenerate offspring was born to the guardians he must be sent away to the other classes, [423d] and likewise if a superior to the others he must be enrolled among the guardians; and the purport of all this was32 that the other citizens too must be sent to the task for which their natures were fitted, one man to one work, in order that each of them fulfilling his own function may be not many men, but one, and so the entire city may come to be not a multiplicity but a unity.33” “Why yes,” he said, “this is even more trifling than that.” “These are not, my good Adeimantus, as one might suppose, numerous and difficult injunctions that [423e] we are imposing upon them, but they are all easy, provided they guard, as the saying is, the one great thing34—or instead of great let us call it sufficient.35” “What is that?” he said. “Their education and nurture,” I replied. “For if a right education36 makes of them reasonable men they will easily discover everything of this kind—and other principles that we now pass over, as that the possession of wives and marriage, [424a] and the procreation of children and all that sort of thing should be made as far as possible the proverbial goods of friends that are common.37” “Yes, that would be the best way,” he said. “And, moreover,” said I, “the state, if it once starts38 well, proceeds as it were in a cycle39 of growth. I mean that a sound nurture and education if kept up creates good natures in the state, and sound natures in turn receiving an education of this sort develop into better men than their predecessors [424b] both for other purposes and for the production of offspring as among animals also.40” “It is probable,” he said. “To put it briefly, then,” said I, “it is to this that the overseers of our state must cleave and be watchful against its insensible corruption. They must throughout be watchful against innovations in music and gymnastics counter to the established order, and to the best of their power guard against them, fearing when anyone says that“ That song is most regarded among men
Which hovers newest on the singer's lips,
”Hom. Od. 1.35141 [424c] lest haply42 it be supposed that the poet means not new songs but a new way of song43 and is commending this. But we must not praise that sort of thing nor conceive it to be the poet's meaning. For a change to a new type of music is something to beware of as a hazard of all our fortunes. For the modes of music44 are never disturbed without unsettling of the most fundamental political and social conventions, as Damon affirms and as I am convinced.45” “Set me too down in the number of the convinced,” said Adeimantus. [424d]

“It is here, then,” I said, “in music, as it seems, that our guardians must build their guard-house46 and post of watch.” “It is certain,” he said, “that this is the kind of lawlessness47 that easily insinuates48 itself unobserved.” “Yes,” said I, “because it is supposed to be only a form of play49 and to work no harm.” “Nor does it work any,” he said, “except that by gradual infiltration it softly overflows50 upon the characters and pursuits of men and from these issues forth grown greater to attack their business dealings, and from these relations [424e] it proceeds against the laws and the constitution with wanton licence, Socrates, till finally it overthrows51 all things public and private.” “Well,” said I, “are these things so?” “I think so,” he said. “Then, as we were saying52 in the beginning, our youth must join in a more law-abiding play, since, if play grows lawless and the children likewise, [425a] it is impossible that they should grow up to be men of serious temper and lawful spirit.” “Of course,” he said. “And so we may reason that when children in their earliest play are imbued with the spirit of law and order through their music, the opposite of the former supposition happens—this spirit waits upon them in all things and fosters their growth, and restores and sets up again whatever was overthrown in the other53 type of state.” “True, indeed,” he said. “Then such men rediscover for themselves those seemingly trifling conventions which their predecessors abolished altogether.” “Of what sort?” “Such things as [425b] the becoming silence54 of the young in the presence of their elders; the giving place to them and rising up before them, and dutiful service of parents, and the cut of the hair55 and the garments and the fashion of the foot-gear, and in general the deportment of the body and everything of the kind. Don't you think so?” “I do.” “Yet to enact them into laws would, I think, be silly.56 For such laws are not obeyed nor would they last, being enacted only in words and on paper.” “How could they?” “At any rate, Adeimantus,” I said, “the direction of the education from whence one starts is likely to determine [425c] the quality of what follows. Does not like ever summon like?” “Surely.” “And the final57 outcome, I presume, we would say is one complete and vigorous product of good or the reverse.” “Of course,” said he. “For my part, then,” I said, “for these reasons I would not go on to try to legislate on such matters.58” “With good reason,” said he. “But what, in heaven's name,” said I, “about business matters, the deals59 that men make with one another in the agora— [425d] and, if you please, contracts with workmen60 and actions for foul language61 and assault, the filing of declarations,62 the impanelling of juries, the payment and exaction of any dues that may be needful in markets or harbors and in general market, police or harbor regulations and the like, can we bring63 ourselves to legislate about these?” “Nay, ‘twould not be fitting,” he said, “to dictate to good and honorable men.64 For most of the enactments that are needed about these things [425e] they will easily, I presume, discover.” “Yes, my friend, provided God grants them the preservation of the principles of law that we have already discussed.” “Failing that,” said he, “they will pass their lives multiplying such petty laws and amending them in the expectation of attaining what is best.” “You mean,” said I, “that the life of such citizens will resemble that of men who are sick, yet from intemperance are unwilling to abandon65 their unwholesome regimen.” [426a] “By all means.” And truly,” said I, “these latter go on in a most charming66 fashion. For with all their doctoring they accomplish nothing except to complicate and augment their maladies. And67 they are always hoping that some one will recommend a panacea that will restore their health.” “A perfect description,” he said, “of the state of such invalids.” “And isn't this a charming trait in them, that they hate most in all the world him who tells them the truth that until a man stops drinking and gorging and wenching [426b] and idling, neither drugs68 nor cautery nor the knife, no, nor spells nor periapts69 will be of any avail?” “Not altogether charming,” he said, “for there is no grace or charm in being angry70 with him who speaks well.” “You do not seem to be an admirer71 of such people,” said I. “No, by heaven, I am not.”

“Neither then, if an entire city,72 as we were just now saying, acts in this way, will it have your approval, or don't you think that the way of such invalids is precisely that of those cities [426c] which being badly governed forewarn their citizens not to meddle73 with the general constitution of the state, denouncing death to whosoever attempts that—while whoever most agreeably serves74 them governed as they are and who curries favor with them by fawning upon them and anticipating their desires and by his cleverness in gratifying them, him they will account the good man, the man wise in worthwhile things,75 the man they will delight to honor?” “Yes,” he said, “I think their conduct is identical, and I don't approve it in the very least.” [426d] “And what again of those who are willing and eager to serve76 such states? Don't you admire their valiance and light-hearted irresponsibility77?” “I do,” he said, “except those who are actually deluded and suppose themselves to be in truth statesmen78 because they are praised by the many.” “What do you mean? “Can't you make allowances79 for the men? Do you think it possible for a man who does not know how to measure when a multitude of others equally ignorant assure him that he is four cubits tall [426e] not to suppose this to be the fact about himself?” “Why no,80” he said, “I don't think that.” “Then don't be harsh with them. For surely such fellows are the most charming spectacle in the world when they enact and amend such laws as we just now described and are perpetually expecting to find a way of putting an end to frauds in business and in the other matters of which I was speaking because they can't see that they are in very truth81 trying to cut off a Hydra's head.” [427a] “Indeed,” he said, “that is exactly what they are doing.” “I, then,” said I, “should not have supposed82 that the true lawgiver ought to work out matters of that kind83 in the laws and the constitution either of an ill-governed or a well-governed state—in the one because they are useless and accomplish nothing, in the other because some of them anybody could discover and others will result spontaneously from the pursuits already described.” [427b]

“What part of legislation, then,” he said, “is still left for us?” And I replied, “For us nothing, but for the Apollo of Delphi, the chief, the fairest and the first of enactments.” “What are they?” he said. “The founding of temples, and sacrifices, and other forms of worship of gods, daemons, and heroes; and likewise the burial of the dead and the services we must render to the dwellers in the world beyond84 to keep them gracious. For of such matters [427c] we neither know anything nor in the founding of our city if we are wise shall we entrust them to any other or make use of any other interpreter85 than the God of our fathers.86 For this God surely is in such matters for all mankind the interpreter of the religion of their fathers who from his seat in the middle and at the very navel87 of the earth delivers his interpretation.” “Excellently said,” he replied; “and that is what we must do.” [427d]

“At last, then, son of Ariston,” said I, “your city88 may be considered as established. The next thing is to procure a sufficient light somewhere and to look yourself,89 and call in the aid of your brother and of Polemarchus and the rest, if we may in any wise discover where justice and injustice90 should be in it, wherein they differ from one another and which of the two he must have who is to be happy, alike91 whether his condition is known or not known to all gods and men.” “Nonsense,” said Glaucon, “you92 promised that you would carry on the search yourself, [427e] admitting that it would be impious93 for you not to come to the aid of justice by every means in your power.” “A true reminder,” I said, “and I must do so, but you also must lend a hand.” “Well,” he said, “we will.” “I expect then,” said I, “that we shall find it in this way. I think our city, if it has been rightly founded is good in the full sense of the word.94” “Necessarily,” he said. “Clearly, then, it will be wise, brave, sober, and just.” “Clearly.” “Then if we find any of these qualities in it, the remainder95 will be that which we have not found?” [428a] “Surely.” “Take the case of any four other things. If we were looking for any one of them in anything and recognized the object of our search first, that would have been enough for us, but if we had recognized the other three first, that in itself would have made known to us the thing we were seeking. For plainly there was nothing left for it to be but the remainder.” “Right,” he said. “And so, since these are four, we must conduct the search in the same way.” “Clearly.” “And, moreover, [428b] the first thing that I think I clearly see therein is the wisdom,96 and there is something odd about that, it appears.” “What?” said he. “Wise in very deed I think the city that we have described is, for it is well counselled, is it not?” “Yes.” “And surely this very thing, good counsel,97 is a form of wisdom. For it is not by ignorance but by knowledge that men counsel well.” “Obviously.” “But there are many and manifold knowledges or sciences in the city.” “Of course.” “Is it then owing to the science of her carpenters that [428c] a city is to be called wise and well advised?” “By no means for that, but rather mistress of the arts of building.” “Then a city is not to be styled wise because of the deliberations98 of the science of wooden utensils for their best production?” “No, I grant you.” “Is it, then, because of that of brass implements or any other of that kind?” “None whatsoever,” he said. “Nor yet because of the science of the production of crops from the soil, but the name it takes from that is agricultural.” “I think so.” “Then,” said I, “is there any science in the city just founded by us residing in any of its citizens which does not take counsel about some particular thing [428d] in the city but about the city as a whole and the betterment of its relations with itself99 and other states?” “Why, there is.” “What is it,” said I, “and in whom is it found?” “It is the science of guardianship or government and it is to be found in those rulers to whom we just now gave the name of guardians in the full sense of the word.” “And what term then do you apply to the city because of this knowledge?” “Well advised,” he said, “and truly wise.” “Which class, then,” said I, [428e] “do you suppose will be the more numerous in our city, the smiths or these true guardians?” “The smiths, by far,” he said. “And would not these rulers be the smallest of all the groups of those who possess special knowledge and receive distinctive appellations100?” “By far.” “Then it is by virtue of its smallest class and minutest part of itself, and the wisdom that resides therein, in the part which takes the lead and rules, that a city established on principles of nature would be wise as a whole. And as it appears [429a] these are by nature the fewest, the class to which it pertains to partake of the knowledge which alone of all forms of knowledge deserves the name of wisdom.” “Most true,” he said. “This one of our four, then, we have, I know not how, discovered, the thing itself and its place in the state.” “I certainly think,” said he, “that it has been discovered sufficiently.”

“But again there is no difficulty in seeing bravery itself and the part of the city in which it resides for which the city is called brave.101” “How so?” “Who,” said I, [429b] “in calling a city cowardly or brave would fix his eyes on any other part of it than that which defends it and wages war in its behalf?” “No one at all,” he said. “For the reason, I take it,” said I, “that the cowardice or the bravery102 of the other inhabitants does not determine for it the one quality or the other.103” “It does not.” “Bravery too, then, belongs to a city by virtue of a part of itself owing to its possession in that part of a quality that under all conditions will preserve the conviction [429c] that things to be feared are precisely those which and such as the lawgiver104 inculcated in their education. Is not that what you call bravery?” “I don't altogether understand105 what you said,” he replied; “but say it again.” “A kind of conservation,” I said, “is what I mean by bravery.” “What sort of a conservation106?” “The conservation of the conviction which the law has created by education about fearful things—what and what sort of things are to be feared. And by the phrase ‘under all conditions107’ I mean that the brave man preserves it both in pain [429d] and pleasures and in desires and fears and does not expel108 it from his soul. And I may illustrate it by a similitude109 if you please.” “I do.” “You are aware that dyers when they wish to dye wool so as to hold the purple hue begin by selecting from the many colors there be the one nature of the white and then give it a careful preparatory treatment so that it will take the hue in the best way, and after the treatment,110 then and then only, dip it in the dye. [429e] And things that are dyed by this process become fast-colored111 and washing either with or without lyes cannot take away the sheen of their hues. But otherwise you know what happens to them, whether112 anyone dips other colors or even these without the preparatory treatment.” “I know,” he said, “that they present a ridiculous and washed-out appearance.” “By this analogy, then,” said I, “you must conceive what we too to the best of our ability were doing when we selected our soldiers and educated them in music113 [430a] and exercises of the body. The sole aim of our contrivance was that they should be convinced and receive our laws like a dye as it were, so that their belief and faith might be114 fast-colored both about the things that are to be feared and all other things because of the fitness of their nature and nurture, and that so their dyes might not be washed out by those lyes that have such dread115 power to scour our faiths away, pleasure more potent than any detergent or abstergent [430b] to accomplish this, and pain and fear and desire more sure than any lye. This power in the soul, then, this unfailing conservation of right and lawful belief116 about things to be and not to be feared is what I call and would assume to be courage, unless you have something different to say.” “No, nothing,” said he; “for I presume that you consider mere right opinion about the same matters not produced by education, that which may manifest itself in a beast or a slave,117 to have little or nothing to do with law118 and that you would call it by another name than courage.” [430c] “That is most true,” said I. “Well then,” he said, “I accept this as bravery.” “Do so,” said I, “and you will be right with the reservation119 that it is the courage of a citizen. Some other time,120 if it please you, we will discuss it more fully. At present we were not seeking this but justice; and for the purpose of that inquiry I believe we have done enough.” “You are quite right,” he said. [430d]

“Two things still remain,” said I, “to make out in our city, soberness121 and the object of the whole inquiry, justice.” “Quite so.” “If there were only some way to discover justice so that we need not further concern ourselves about soberness.” “Well, I, for my part,” he said, “neither know of any such way nor would I wish justice to be discovered first if that means that we are not to go on to the consideration of soberness. But if you desire to please me, consider this before that.” “It would certainly [430e] be very wrong122 of me not to desire it,” said I. “Go on with the inquiry then,” he said. “I must go on,” I replied, “and viewed from here it bears more likeness to a kind of concord and harmony than the other virtues did.” “How so?” “Soberness is a kind of beautiful order123 and a continence of certain pleasures and appetites, as they say, using the phrase ‘master of himself’ I know not how; and there are other similar expressions that as it were point us to the same trail. Is that not so?” “Most certainly.” “Now the phrase ‘master of himself’ is an absurdity, is it not? For he who is master of himself would also be subject to himself, [431a] and he who is subject to himself would be master. For the same person is spoken of in all these expressions.” “Of course.” “But,” said I, “the intended meaning of this way of speaking appears to me to be that the soul of a man within him has a better part and a worse part, and the expression self-mastery means the control of the worse by the naturally better part. It is, at any rate, a term of praise. But when, because of bad breeding or some association,124 the better part, which is the smaller, is dominated by the multitude125 of the worse, I think that our speech [431b] censures this as a reproach,126 and calls the man in this plight unselfcontrolled and licentious.” “That seems likely,” he said. “Turn your eyes now upon our new city,” said I, “and you will find one of these conditions existent in it. For you will say that it is justly spoken of as master of itself if that in which127 the superior rules the inferior is to be called sober and self-mastered.” “I do turn my eyes upon it,” he said, “and it is as you say.” “And again, the mob of motley128 [431c] appetites and pleasures and pains one would find chiefly in children129 and women and slaves and in the base rabble of those who are freemen in name.130” “By all means.” “But the simple and moderate appetites which with the aid of reason and right opinion are guided by consideration you will find in few and those the best born and best educated.” “True,” he said. “And do you not find this too in your city and a domination there of the desires [431d] in the multitude and the rabble by the desires and the wisdom that dwell in the minority of the better?” “I do,” he said.

“If, then, there is any city that deserves to be described as master of its pleasures and desires and self-mastered, this one merits that designation.” “Most assuredly,” he said. “And is it not also to be called sober131 in all these respects?” “Indeed it is,” he said. “And yet again, if there is any city in which [431e] the rulers and the ruled are of one mind as to who ought to rule, that condition will be found in this. Don't you think so?” “I most emphatically do,” he said. “In which class of the citizens, then, will you say that the virtue of soberness has its seat when this is their condition? In the rulers or in the ruled?” “In both, I suppose,132” he said. “Do you see then,” said I, “that our intuition was not a bad one just now that discerned a likeness between soberness and a kind of harmony133?” “Why so?” “Because its operation is unlike that of courage and wisdom, which residing in separate parts [432a] respectively made the city, the one wise and the other brave. That is not the way of soberness, but it extends literally through the entire gamut134 throughout, bringing about135 the unison in the same chant of the strongest, the weakest and the intermediate, whether in wisdom or, if you please,136 in strength, or for that matter in numbers, wealth, or any similar criterion. So that we should be quite right in affirming this unanimity137 to be soberness, the concord of the naturally superior and inferior [432b] as to which ought to rule both in the state and the individual.138” “I entirely concur,” he said. “Very well,” said I. “We have made out these three forms in our city to the best of our present judgement.139 What can be the remaining form that140 would give the city still another virtue? For it is obvious that the remainder is justice.” “Obvious.” “Now then,141 Glaucon, is the time for us like huntsmen142 to surround the covert and keep close watch that justice may not slip through and get away from us and vanish [432c] from our sight. It plainly must be somewhere hereabouts. Keep your eyes open then and do your best to descry it. You may see it before I do and point it out to me.” “Would that I could,” he said; “but I think rather that if you find in me one who can follow you and discern what you point out to him you will be making a very fair143 use of me.” “Pray144 for success then,” said I, “and follow along with me.” “That I will do, only lead on,” he said. “And truly,” said I, “it appears to be an inaccessible place, lying in deep shadows.” “It certainly is a dark covert, [432d] not easy to beat up.” “But all the same on we must go.” “Yes, on.” And I caught view and gave a hulloa and said, “Glaucon, I think we have found its trail and I don't believe it will get away from us.” “I am glad to hear that,” said he. “Truly,” said I, “we were slackers145 indeed.” “How so?” “Why, all the time, bless your heart, the thing apparently was tumbling about our feet146 from the start and yet we couldn't see it, but were most ludicrous, like [432e] people who sometimes hunt for what they hold in their hands.147 So we did not turn our eyes upon it, but looked off into the distance, which perhaps was the reason it escaped us.” “What do you mean?” he said. “This,” I replied, “that it seems to me that though we were speaking of it and hearing about it all the time we did not understand ourselves148 or realize that we were speaking of it in a sense.” “That is a tedious prologue,” he said, “for an eager listener.” [433a]

“Listen then,” said I, “and learn if there is anything in what I say. For what we laid down in the beginning as a universal requirement when we were founding our city, this I think, or149 some form of this, is justice. And what we did lay down, and often said, you recall, was that each one man must perform one social service in the state for which his nature is best adapted.” “Yes, we said that.” “And again that to do one's own business and not to be a busybody is justice, [433b] is a saying that we have heard from many and have often repeated ourselves.150” “We have.” “This, then,” I said, “my friend, if taken in a certain sense appears to be justice,151 this principle of doing one's own business. Do you know whence I infer this?” “No, but tell me,” he said. “I think that this is the remaining virtue in the state after our consideration of soberness, courage, and intelligence, a quality which made it possible for them all to grow up in the body politic and which when they have sprung up preserves them as long as it is present. And I hardly need to remind you that152 [433c] we said that justice would be the residue after we had found the other three.” “That is an unavoidable conclusion,” he said. “But moreover,” said I, “if we were required to decide what it is whose indwelling presence will contribute most to making our city good, it would be a difficult decision whether it was the unanimity of rulers and ruled or the conservation in the minds of the soldiers of the convictions produced by law as to what things are or are not to be feared, or the watchful intelligence [433d] that resides in the guardians, or whether this is the chief cause of its goodness, the principle embodied in child, woman, slave, free, artisan, ruler, and ruled, that each performed his one task as one man and was not a versatile busybody.” “Hard to decide indeed,” he said. “A thing, then, that in its contribution to the excellence of a state vies with and rivals its wisdom, its soberness, its bravery, is this principle of everyone in it doing his own task.” “It is indeed,” he said. “And is not justice the name you would have to give153 to the principle that rivals these as conducing to [433e] the virtue of state?” “By all means.” “Consider it in this wise too154 if so you will be convinced. Will you not assign the conduct of lawsuits in your state to the rulers?” “Of course.” “Will not this be the chief aim of their decisions, that no one shall have what belongs to others155 or be deprived of his own? Nothing else but this.” “On the assumption that this is just?” “Yes.” “From this point of view too, then, the having156 and doing [434a] of one's own and what belongs to oneself would admittedly be justice.” “That is so.” “Consider now157 whether you agree with me. A carpenter undertaking to do the work of a cobbler or a cobbler of a carpenter or their interchange of one another's tools or honors or even the attempt of the same man to do both—the confounding of all other functions would not, think you, greatly injure a state, would it?” “Not much,” he said. “But when I fancy one who is by nature an artisan or some kind of money-maker [434b] tempted and incited by wealth or command of votes or bodily strength or some similar advantage tries to enter into the class of the soldiers or one of the soldiers into the class of counsellors and guardians, for which he is not fitted, and these interchange their tools and their honors or when the same man undertakes all these functions at once, then, I take it, you too believe that this kind of substitution and meddlesomeness is the ruin of a state.” “By all means.” “The interference with one another's business, then, of three existent classes and the substitution of the one for the other [434c] is the greatest injury to a state and would most rightly be designated as the thing which chiefly158 works it harm.” “Precisely so.” “And the thing that works the greatest harm to one's own state, will you not pronounce to be injustice?” “Of course.” “This, then, is injustice.”

“Again,159 let us put it in this way. The proper functioning160 of the money-making class, the helpers and the guardians, each doing its own work in the state, being the reverse of that161 just described, would be justice and would render the city just.” [434d] “I think the case is thus and no otherwise,” said he. “Let us not yet affirm it quite fixedly,162” I said, “but if this form163 when applied to the individual man, accepted there also as a definition of justice, we will then concede the point—for what else will there be to say? But if not, then we will look for something else. But now let us work out the inquiry in which164 we supposed that, if we found some larger thing that contained justice and viewed it there,165 we should more easily discover its nature in the individual man. [434e] And we agreed that this larger thing is the city, and so we constructed the best city in our power, well knowing that in the good166 city it would of course be found. What, then, we thought we saw there we must refer back to the individual and, if it is confirmed, all will be well. But if something different manifests itself in the individual, we will return again [435a] to the state and test it there and it may be that, by examining them side by side167 and rubbing them against one another, as it were from the fire-sticks168 we may cause the spark of justice to flash forth,169 and when it is thus revealed confirm it in our own minds.” “Well,” he said, “that seems a sound method170 and that is what we must do.” “Then,” said I, “if you call a thing by the same171 name whether it is big or little, is it unlike in the way in which it is called the same or like?” “Like,” he said. “Then a just man too [435b] will not differ172 at all from a just city in respect of the very form of justice, but will be like it.” “Yes, like.” “But now the city was thought to be just because three natural kinds existing in it performed each its own function, and again it was sober, brave, and wise because of certain other affections and habits173 of these three kinds.” “True,” he said. “Then, my friend, we shall thus expect the individual also to have these same forms [435c] in his soul, and by reason of identical affections of these with those in the city to receive properly the same appellations.” “Inevitable,” he said. “Goodness gracious,” said I, “here is another trifling174 inquiry into which we have plunged, the question whether the soul really contains these three forms in itself or not.” “It does not seem to me at all trifling,” he said, “for perhaps, Socrates, the saying is true that 'fine things are difficult.'175” “Apparently,” said I; [435d] “and let me tell you, Glaucon, that in my opinion we shall never in the world apprehend this matter176 from such methods as we are now employing in discussion. For there is another longer and harder way that conducts to this. Yet we may perhaps discuss it on the level of previous statements and inquiries.” “May we acquiesce in that?” he said. “I for my part should be quite satisfied with that for the present.” “And I surely should be more than satisfied,” I replied. “Don't you weary then,” he said, “but go on with the inquiry.” “Is it not, then,” [435e] said I, “impossible for us to avoid admitting177 this much, that the same forms and qualities are to be found in each one of us that are in the state? They could not get there from any other source. It would be absurd to suppose that the element of high spirit was not derived in states from the private citizens who are reputed to have this quality as the populations of the Thracian and Scythian lands and generally of northern regions; or the quality of love of knowledge, which would chiefly be attributed to178 the region where we dwell, [436a] or the love of money179 which we might say is not least likely to be found in Phoenicians180 and the population of Egypt.” “One certainly might,” he replied. “This is the fact then,” said I, “and there is no difficulty in recognizing it.” “Certainly not.”

“But the matter begins to be difficult when you ask whether we do all these things with the same thing or whether there are three things and we do one thing with one and one with another—learn with one part of ourselves, feel anger with another, and with yet a third desire the pleasures of nutrition [436b] and generation and their kind, or whether it is with the entire soul181 that we function in each case when we once begin. That is what is really hard to determine properly.” “I think so too,” he said. “Let us then attempt to define the boundary and decide whether they are identical with one another in this way.” “How?” “It is obvious that the same thing will never do or suffer opposites182 in the same respect183 in relation to the same thing and at the same time. So that if ever we find184 these contradictions in the functions of the mind [436c] we shall know that it was185 not the same thing functioning but a plurality.” “Very well.” “Consider, then, what I am saying.” “Say on,” he replied. “Is it possible for the same thing at the same time in the same respect to be at rest186 and in motion?” “By no means.” “Let us have our understanding still more precise, lest as we proceed we become involved in dispute. If anyone should say of a man standing still but moving his hands and head that the same man is at the same time at rest and in motion we should not, I take it, regard that as the right way of expressing it, but rather that a part187 of him is at rest [436d] and a part in motion. Is not that so?” “It is.” “Then if the disputant should carry the jest still further with the subtlety that tops at any rate188 stand still as a whole at the same time that they are in motion when with the peg fixed in one point they revolve, and that the same is true of any other case of circular motion about the same spot—we should reject the statement on the ground that the repose and the movement in such cases189 were not in relation to the same parts of the objects, but we would say [436e] that there was a straight line and a circumference in them and that in respect of the straight line they are standing still190 since they do not incline to either side, but in respect of the circumference they move in a circle; but that when as they revolve they incline the perpendicular to right or left or forward or back, then they are in no wise at rest.” “And that would be right,” he said. “No such remarks then will disconcert us or any whit the more make us believe that it is ever possible for the same thing at the same time in the same respect and the same relation [437a] to suffer, be,191 or do opposites.” “They will not me, I am sure,” said he. “All the same, said I, “that we may not be forced to examine at tedious length the entire list of such contentions192 and convince ourselves that they are false, let us proceed on the hypothesis193 that this is so, with the understanding that, if it ever appear otherwise, everything that results from the assumption shall be invalidated.” “That is what we must do,” he said. [437b]

“Will you not then,” said I, “set down as opposed to one another assent and dissent, and the endeavor after a thing to the rejection of it, and embracing to repelling—do not these and all things like these belong to the class of opposite actions or passions; it will make no difference which?194” “None,” said he, “but they are opposites.” “What then,” said I, “of thirst and hunger and the appetites generally, and again consenting195 and willing, would you not put them all somewhere in the classes [437c] just described? Will you not say, for example, that the soul of one who desires either strives for that which he desires or draws towards its embrace what it wishes to accrue to it; or again, in so far as it wills that anything be presented to it, nods assent to itself thereon as if someone put the question,196 striving towards its attainment?” “I would say so,” he said. “But what of not-willing197 and not consenting nor yet desiring, shall we not put these under the soul's rejection198 and repulsion from itself and [437d] generally into the opposite class from all the former?” “Of course.” “This being so, shall we say that the desires constitute a class199 and that the most conspicuous members of that class200 are what we call thirst and hunger?” “We shall,” said he. “Is not the one desire of drink, the other of food?” “Yes.” “Then in so far as it is thirst, would it be of anything more than that of which we say it is a desire in the soul?201 I mean is thirst thirst for hot drink or cold or much or little or in a word for a draught of any particular quality, or is it the fact that if heat202 [437e] is attached203 to the thirst it would further render the desire—a desire of cold, and if cold of hot? But if owing to the presence of muchness the thirst is much it would render it a thirst for much and if little for little. But mere thirst will never be desire of anything else than that of which it is its nature to be, mere drink,204 and so hunger of food.” “That is so,” he said; “each desire in itself is of that thing only of which it is its nature to be. The epithets belong to the quality—such or such.205” [438a] “Let no one then,”206 said I, “disconcert us when off our guard with the objection that everybody desires not drink but good drink and not food but good food, because (the argument will run207) all men desire good, and so, if thirst is desire, it would be of good drink or of good whatsoever it is; and so similarly of other desires.” “Why,” he said, “there perhaps would seem to be something in that objection.” “But I need hardly remind you,” said I, [438b] “that of relative terms those that are somehow qualified are related to a qualified correlate, those that are severally just themselves to a correlate that is just itself.208” “I don't understand,” he said. “Don't you understand,” said I, “that the greater209 is such as to be greater than something?” “Certainly.” “Is it not than the less?” “Yes.” “But the much greater than the much less. Is that not so?” “Yes.” “And may we add the one time greater than the one time less and that which will be greater than that which will be less?” “Surely.” [438c] “And similarly of the more towards the fewer, and the double towards the half and of all like cases, and again of the heavier towards the lighter, the swifter towards the slower, and yet again of the hot towards the cold and all cases of that kind,210 does not the same hold?” “By all means.” “But what of the sciences? Is not the way of it the same? Science which is just that, is of knowledge which is just that, or is of whatsoever211 we must assume the correlate of science to be. But a particular science of a particular kind is of some particular thing of a particular kind. [438d] I mean something like this: As there was a science of making a house it differed from other sciences so as to be named architecture.” “Certainly.” “Was not this by reason of its being of a certain kind212 such as no other of all the rest?” “Yes.” “And was it not because it was of something of a certain kind that it itself became a certain kind of science? And similarly of the other arts and sciences?” “That is so.

“This then,” said I, “if haply you now understand, is what you must say I then meant, by the statement that of all things that are such as to be of something those that are just themselves only are of things just themselves only, [438e] but things of a certain kind are of things of a kind. And I don't at all mean213 that they are of the same kind as the things of which they are, so that we are to suppose that the science of health and disease is a healthy and diseased science and that of evil and good, evil and good. I only mean that as science became the science not of just the thing214 of which science is but of some particular kind of thing, namely, of health and disease, the result215 was that it itself became some kind of science and this caused it to be no longer called simply science but with the addition of the particular kind, medical science.” “I understand,” he said, “and agree that it is so.” “To return to thirst, then,” said I, [439a] “will you not class it with the things216 that are of something and say that it is what it is217 in relation to something—and it is, I presume, thirst?” “I will,” said he, “—namely of drink.” “Then if the drink is of a certain kind, so is the thirst, but thirst that is just thirst is neither of much nor little nor good nor bad, nor in a word of any kind, but just thirst is naturally of just drink only.” “By all means.” “The soul of the thirsty then, in so far as it thirsts, wishes nothing else than to drink, and [439b] yearns for this and its impulse is towards this.” “Obviously.” “Then if anything draws it back218 when thirsty it must be something different in it from that which thirsts and drives it like a beast219 to drink. For it cannot be, we say, that the same thing with the same part of itself at the same time acts in opposite ways about the same thing.” “We must admit that it does not.” “So I fancy it is not well said of the archer220 that his hands at the same time thrust away the bow and draw it nigh, but we should rather say that there is one hand that puts it away and another that draws it to.” [439c] “By all means,” he said. “Are we to say, then, that some men sometimes though thirsty refuse to drink?” “We are indeed,” he said, “many and often.” “What then,” said I, “should one affirm about them?” “Is it not that there is221 something in the soul that bids them drink and a something that forbids, a different something that masters that which bids?” “I think so.” “And is it not the fact that that which inhibits such actions arises when it arises from the calculations of reason, [439d] but the impulses which draw and drag come through affections222 and diseases?” “Apparently.” “Not unreasonably,” said I, “shall we claim that they are two and different from one another, naming that in the soul whereby it reckons and reasons the rational223 and that with which it loves, hungers, thirsts, and feels the flutter224 and titillation of other desires, the irrational and appetitive—companion225 of various repletions and pleasures.” “It would not be unreasonable but quite natural,” [439e] he said, “for us to think this.” “These two forms, then, let us assume to have been marked off as actually existing in the soul. But now the Thumos226 or principle of high spirit, that with which we feel anger, is it a third, or would it be identical in nature with one of these?” “Perhaps,” he said, “with one of these, the appetitive.” “But,” I said, “I once heard a story227 which I believe, that Leontius the son of Aglaion, on his way up from the Peiraeus under the outer side of the northern wall,228 becoming aware of dead bodies229 that lay at the place of public execution at the same time felt a desire to see them and a repugnance and aversion, and that for a time [440a] he resisted230 and veiled his head, but overpowered in despite of all by his desire, with wide staring eyes he rushed up to the corpses and cried, ‘There, ye wretches,231 take your fill of the fine spectacle!'” “I too,” he said, “have heard the story.” “Yet, surely, this anecdote,” I said, “signifies that the principle of anger sometimes fights against desires as an alien thing against an alien.” “Yes, it does,” he said.

“And do we not,” said I, “on many other occasions observe when his desires constrain a man contrary to his reason [440b] that he reviles himself and is angry with that within which masters him and that as it were in a faction of two parties the high spirit of such a man becomes the ally of his reason? But its232 making common cause233 with the desires against the reason when reason whispers low234‘Thou must not’—that, I think, is a kind of thing you would not affirm ever to have perceived in yourself, nor, I fancy, in anybody else either.” [440c] “No, by heaven,” he said. “Again, when a man thinks himself to be in the wrong,235 is it not true that the nobler he is the less is he capable of anger though suffering hunger and cold236 and whatsoever else at the hands of him whom he believes to be acting justly therein, and as I say237 his spirit refuses to be aroused against such a one?” “True,” he said. “But what when a man believes himself to be wronged, does not his spirit in that case238 seethe and grow fierce (and also because of his suffering hunger, [440d] cold and the like) and make itself the ally of what he judges just, and in noble souls239 it endures and wins the victory and will not let go until either it achieves its purpose, or death ends all, or, as a dog is called back by a shepherd, it is called back by the reason within and calmed.” “Your similitude is perfect,” he said, “and it confirms240 our former statements that the helpers are as it were dogs subject to the rulers who are as it were the shepherds of the city.” “You apprehend my meaning excellently,” said I. “But do you also [440e] take note of this?” “Of what?” “That what we now think about the spirited element is just the opposite of our recent surmise. For then we supposed it to be a part of the appetitive, but now, far from that, we say that, in the factions241 of the soul, it much rather marshals itself on the side of the reason.” “By all means,” he said. “Is it then distinct from this too, or is it a form of the rational, so that there are not three but two kinds in the soul, the rational and the appetitive, or just as in the city there were [441a] three existing kinds that composed its structure, the moneymakers, the helpers, the counsellors, so also in the soul there exists a third kind, this principle of high spirit, which is the helper of reason by nature unless it is corrupted by evil nurture?” “We have to assume it as a third,” he said. “Yes,” said I, “provided242 it shall have been shown to be something different from the rational, as it has been shown to be other than the appetitive.” “That is not hard to be shown,” he said; “for that much one can see in children, that they are from their very birth chock-full of rage and high spirit, but as for reason, [441b] some of them, to my thinking, never participate in it, and the majority quite late.” “Yes, by heaven, excellently said,” I replied; “and further, one could see in animals that what you say is true. And to these instances we may add the testimony of Homer quoted above:“ He smote his breast and chided thus his heart.
”Hom. Od. 20.17 For there Homer has clearly represented that in us [441c] which has reflected about the better and the worse as rebuking that which feels unreasoning anger as if it were a distinct and different thing.” “You are entirely right,” he said.

“Through these waters, then,” said I, “we have with difficulty made our way243 and we are fairly agreed that the same kinds equal in number are to be found in the state and in the soul of each one of us.” “That is so.” “Then does not the necessity of our former postulate immediately follow, that as and whereby244 the state was wise so and thereby is the individual wise?” “Surely.” “And so whereby and as [441d] the individual is brave, thereby and so is the state brave, and that both should have all the other constituents of virtue in the same way245?” “Necessarily.” “Just too, then, Glaucon, I presume we shall say a man is in the same way in which a city was just.” “That too is quite inevitable.” “But we surely cannot have forgotten this, that the state was just by reason of each of the three classes found in it fulfilling its own function.” “I don't think we have forgotten,” he said. “We must remember, then, that each of us also in whom246 the several parts within him [441e] perform each their own task—he will be a just man and one who minds his own affair.” “We must indeed remember,” he said. “Does it not belong to the rational part to rule, being wise and exercising forethought in behalf of the entire soul, and to the principle of high spirit to be subject to this and its ally?” “Assuredly.” “Then is it not, as we said,247 the blending of music and gymnastics that will render them concordant, intensifying [442a] and fostering the one with fair words and teachings and relaxing and soothing and making gentle the other by harmony and rhythm?” “Quite so,” said he. “And these two thus reared and having learned and been educated to do their own work in the true sense of the phrase,248 will preside over the appetitive part which is the mass249 of the soul in each of us and the most insatiate by nature of wealth. They will keep watch upon it, lest, by being filled and infected with the so-called pleasures associated with the body250 and so waxing big and strong, it may not keep to251 its own work [442b] but may undertake to enslave and rule over the classes which it is not fitting252 that it should, and so overturn253 the entire life of all.” “By all means,” he said. “Would not these two, then, best keep guard against enemies from without254 also in behalf of the entire soul and body, the one taking counsel,255 the other giving battle, attending upon the ruler, and by its courage executing the ruler's designs?” “That is so.” “Brave, too, then, I take it, we call [442c] each individual by virtue of this part in him, when, namely, his high spirit preserves in the midst of pains and pleasures256 the rule handed down by the reason as to what is or is not to be feared.” “Right,” he said. “But wise by that small part that257 ruled in him and handed down these commands, by its possession258 in turn within it of the knowledge of what is beneficial for each and for the whole, the community composed of the three.” “By all means.” “And again, was he not sober [442d] by reason of the friendship and concord of these same parts, when, namely, the ruling principle and its two subjects are at one in the belief that the reason ought to rule, and do not raise faction against it?” “The virtue of soberness certainly,” said he, “is nothing else than this, whether in a city or an individual.” “But surely, now, a man is just by that which and in the way we have so often259 described.” “That is altogether necessary.” “Well then,” said I, “has our idea of justice in any way lost the edge260 of its contour so as to look like anything else than precisely what it showed itself to be in the state?” “I think not,” he said. [442e] “We might,” I said, “completely confirm your reply and our own conviction thus, if anything in our minds still disputes our definition—by applying commonplace and vulgar261 tests to it.” “What are these?” “For example, if an answer were demanded to the question concerning that city and the man whose birth and breeding was in harmony with it, whether we believe that such a man, entrusted with a deposit262 of gold or silver, would withhold it and embezzle it, who do you suppose would think that he would be more likely so to act [443a] than men of a different kind?” “No one would,” he said. “And would not he be far removed from sacrilege and theft and betrayal of comrades in private life or of the state in public?” “He would.” “And, moreover, he would not be in any way faithless either in the keeping of his oaths or in other agreements.” “How could he?” “Adultery, surely, and neglect of parents and of the due service of the gods would pertain to anyone rather than to such a man.” “To anyone indeed,” [443b] he said. “And is not the cause of this to be found in the fact that each of the principles within him does its own work in the matter of ruling and being ruled?” “Yes, that and nothing else.” “Do you still, then, look for justice to be anything else than this potency which provides men and cities of this sort?” “No, by heaven,” he said, “I do not.”

“Finished, then, is our dream and perfected —the surmise we spoke of,263 that, by some Providence, at the very beginning of our foundation of the state, [443c] we chanced to hit upon the original principle and a sort of type of justice.” “Most assuredly.” “It really was, it seems, Glaucon, which is why it helps,264 a sort of adumbration of justice, this principle that it is right for the cobbler by nature to cobble and occupy himself with nothing else, and the carpenter to practice carpentry, and similarly all others. But the truth of the matter265 was, as it seems, [443d] that justice is indeed something of this kind, yet not in regard to the doing of one's own business externally, but with regard to that which is within and in the true sense concerns one's self, and the things of one's self—it means that266 a man must not suffer the principles in his soul to do each the work of some other and interfere and meddle with one another, but that he should dispose well of what in the true sense of the word is properly his own,267 and having first attained to self-mastery268 and beautiful order269 within himself,270 and having harmonized271 these three principles, the notes or intervals of three terms quite literally the lowest, the highest, and the mean, [443e] and all others there may be between them, and having linked and bound all three together and made of himself a unit,272 one man instead of many, self-controlled and in unison, he should then and then only turn to practice if he find aught to do either in the getting of wealth or the tendance of the body or it may be in political action or private business, in all such doings believing and naming273 the just and honorable action to be that which preserves and helps to produce this condition of soul, and wisdom the science [444a] that presides over such conduct; and believing and naming the unjust action to be that which ever tends to overthrow this spiritual constitution, and brutish ignorance, to be the opinion274 that in turn presides275 over this.” “What you say is entirely true, Socrates.” “Well,” said I, “if we should affirm that we had found the just man and state and what justice really is276 in them, I think we should not be much mistaken.” “No indeed, we should not,” he said. “Shall we affirm it, then?” “Let us so affirm.”

“So be it, then,” said I; “next after this, I take it, we must consider injustice.” “Obviously.” [444b] “Must not this be a kind of civil war277 of these three principles, their meddlesomeness278 and interference with one another's functions, and the revolt of one part against the whole of the soul that it may hold therein a rule which does not belong to it, since its nature is such that it befits it to serve as a slave to the ruling principle? Something of this sort, I fancy, is what we shall say, and that the confusion of these principles and their straying from their proper course is injustice and licentiousness and cowardice and brutish ignorance and, in general,279 all turpitude.” “Precisely this,” [444c] he replied. “Then,” said I, “to act unjustly and be unjust and in turn to act justly the meaning of all these terms becomes at once plain and clear, since injustice and justice are so.” “How so?” “Because,” said I, “these are in the soul what280 the healthful and the diseaseful are in the body; there is no difference.” “In what respect?” he said. “Healthful things surely engender health281 and diseaseful disease.” “Yes.” “Then does not doing just acts engender justice [444d] and unjust injustice?” “Of necessity.” “But to produce health is to establish the elements in a body in the natural relation of dominating and being dominated282 by one another, while to cause disease is to bring it about that one rules or is ruled by the other contrary to nature.” “Yes, that is so.” “And is it not likewise the production of justice in the soul to establish its principles in the natural relation of controlling and being controlled by one another, while injustice is to cause the one to rule or be ruled by the other contrary to nature?” “Exactly so,” he said. “Virtue, then, as it seems, would be a kind of health283 [444e] and beauty and good condition of the soul, and vice would be disease,284 ugliness, and weakness.” “It is so.” “Then is it not also true that beautiful and honorable pursuits tend to the winning of virtue and the ugly to vice?” “Of necessity.”

“And now at last, it seems, it remains for us to consider whether it is profitable to do justice [445a] and practice honorable pursuits and be just, whether285 one is known to be such or not, or whether injustice profits, and to be unjust, if only a man escape punishment and is not bettered by chastisement.286” “Nay, Socrates,” he said, “I think that from this point on our inquiry becomes an absurdity287—if, while life is admittedly intolerable with a ruined constitution of body even though accompanied by all the food and drink and wealth and power in the world, we are yet to be asked to suppose that, when the very nature and constitution of that whereby we live288 is disordered [445b] and corrupted, life is going to be worth living, if a man can only do as he pleases,289 and pleases to do anything save that which will rid him of evil and injustice and make him possessed of justice and virtue—now that the two have been shown to be as we have described them.” “Yes, it is absurd,” said I; “but nevertheless, now that we have won to this height, we must not grow weary in endeavoring to discover290 with the utmost possible clearness that these things are so.” “That is the last thing in the world we must do,” he said. [445c] “Come up here291 then,” said I, “that you may see how many are the kinds of evil, I mean those that it is worth while to observe and distinguish.292” “I am with you,” he said; “only do you say on.” “And truly,” said I, “now that we have come to this height293 of argument I seem to see as from a point of outlook that there is one form294 of excellence, and that the forms of evil are infinite, yet that there are some four among them that it is worth while to take note of.” “What do you mean?” he said. “As many as are the varieties of political constitutions that constitute specific types, so many, it seems likely, [445d] are the characters of soul.” “How many, pray?” “There are five kinds of constitutions,” said I, “and five kinds of soul.” “Tell me what they are,” he said. “I tell you,” said I, “that one way of government would be the constitution that we have just expounded, but the names that might be applied to it are two.295 If one man of surpassing merit rose among the rulers, it would be denominated royalty; if more than one, aristocracy.” “True,” he said. “Well, then,” I said, “this is one of the forms I have in mind. [445e] For neither would a number of such men, nor one if he arose among them, alter to any extent worth mentioning the laws of our city—if he preserved the breeding and the education that we have described.” “It is not likely,” he said.

Socrates

1 Adeimantus's criticism is made from the point of view of a Thrasymachus (343 A, 345 B) or a Callicles (Gorgias 492 B-C or of Solon's critics (cf. my note on Solon's Trochaics to Phokos, Class. Phil. vol. vi. pp. 216 ff.). The captious objection is repeated by Aristotle, Politics 1264 b 15 ff., though he later (1325 a 9-10) himself uses Plato's answer to it, and by moderns, as Herbert Spencer, Grote, Newman to some extent (Introduction to Aristotle's Politics, p. 69.), and Zeller (Aristotle, ii. p. 224) who has the audacity to say that “Plato demanded the abolition of all private possession and the suppression of all individual interests because it is only in the Idea or Universal that he acknowledges any title to true reality.” Leslie Stephen does not diverge so far from Plato when he says (Science of Ethics, p. 397): “The virtuous men may be the very salt of the earth, and yet the discharge of a function socially necessary may involve their own misery.” By the happiness of the whole Plato obviously maens not an abstraction but the concrete whole of which Leslie Stephen is thinking. But from a higher point of view Plato eloquently argues (465 B-C) that duty fulfilled will yield truer happinress to the guardians than seeking their own advantage in the lower sense of the word.

2 Cf. 362 C, and Laws 909 D ff. where they are forbidden.

3 Other men, ordinary men. Cf. 543 Bὧν νῦν οἱ ἄλλοι, which disposes of other interpretations and misunderstandings.

4 This is, for other reasons, one of the deprivations of a tyrant (579 B). The Laws strictly limits travel (949 E). Here Plato is speaking from the point of view of the ordinary citizen.

5 The Platonic Socrates always states the adverse case strongly (Introduction p. xi), and observes the rule: “Would you adopt a strong logical attitude/ Always allow your opponent full latitude.”

6 Cf. 369 A.

7 ἀπολαβόντες, “separating off,” “abstracting,” may be used absolutely as in Gorgias 495 E, or with any object as 392 E.

8 That is 449 A and books VIII. and IX. The degenerate types of state are four, but the extreme opposite of the good state, the tyranny, is one.

9 So Hippias Major 290 B.

10 For this principle of aesthetics Cf. Phaedrus 264 C, Aristotle Poetics 1450 b 1-2.

11 “We know how to.” For the satire of the Socialist millenium which follows cf. Introduction p. xxix, and Ruskin, Fors Clavigera. Plato may have been thinking of the scene on the shield of Achilles, Iliad xviii. 541-560.

12 i.e. so that the guest on the right hand occupied a lower place and the wine circulated in the same direction. Many write ἐπὶ δεξιά, but Aἐπιδέξια. “Forever, 'tis a single word. Our rude forefathers thought it two.”

13 Note the “ab urbe condita” construction. For the thought cf. 374 B. Zeller and many who follow him are not justified in inferring that Plato would not educate the masses. (Cf. Newman, Introduction to Aristotle's Politics, i. p. 160.) It might as well be argued that the high schools of the United States are not intended for the masses because some people sometimes emphasize their function of “fitting for college.” In the RepublicPlato describes secondary education as a preparation for the higher training. The secondary education of the entire citizenry in the Laws marks no change of opinion (Laws 818 ff.). Cf. Introduction p. xxxiii.

14 The expression is loose, but the meaning is plain. The principle “one man, one task” makes the guardians real guardians. The assumption that their happiness is the end is incompatible with the very idea of a state. Cf. Introduction pp. xxix f.ἑστιάτορας recalls μέλλοντα ἑστιάσεσθαι345 C, but we are expected to think also of the farmers of 420 E.

15 The guardians are δημιουργοὶ ἐλευθερίας(395 C).

16 ὥστε καὶ κακούς, I think, means “so that they become actually bad,” not “so that they also become bad.” Cf. Lysis 217 B.

17 For the dangers of wealth cf. 550, 553 D, 555 B, 556 A, 562, Laws 831 C, 919 B, and for the praises of poverty cf. Aristophanes Plutus 510-591, Lucian, Nigrinus 12, Euripides fr. 55 N., Stobaeus, Flor. 94 (Meineke iii. 198), Class. Phil. vol. xxii. pp. 235-236.

18 Apparent paradox to stimulate attention. Cf. 377 A, 334 A, 382 A, 414 B-C, 544 C, Laws 919 B. For images from boxing cf. Aristotle Met. 985 a 14, and Demosthenes' statement (Philip. i. 40-41) that the Athnians fight Philip as the barbarians box. The Greeks felt that “lesser breeds without the law” were inferior in this manly art of self-defense. Cf. the amusing description of the boxing of Orestes and Plylades by the ἄγγελος in Euripides I. T. 1366 ff.

19 Cf. 416 E, 403 E.

20 Cf. Herodotus iv. 111.

21 Two elements of the triad φύσις, μελέτη, ἐπιστήμη. Cf. 374 D.

22 Cf. Herodotus vii. 233τὸν ἀληθέστατον τῶν λόγων, Catullus x. 9 “id quod erat.”

23 The style is of intentional Spartan curtness.

24 “As they say in the game” or “in the jest.” The general meaning is plain. We do not know enough about the game called πόλεις(cf. scholiast, Suidas, Hesychius, and Photius) to be more specific. Cf. for conjectures and deatils Adam's note, and for the phrase Thompson on Meno 77 A.

25 Cf. Aristotle Politics 1316 b 7 and 1264 a 25.

26 Aristotle, Politics 1261 b 38, takes this as the actual number of the military class. Sparta, according to Xenephon, Rep. Lac. 1. 1, was τῶν ὀλιγανθρωποτάτων πόλεων, yet one of the strongest. Cf. also Aristotle Politics 1270 a 14 f. In the LawsPlato proposes the number 5040 which Aristotle thinks too large, Politics 1265 a 15.

27 Commentators, I think, miss the subtlety of this sentence;μίαν means truly one as below in D, and its antithesis is not so much πολλάς as δοκούσας which means primarily the appearance of unity, and only secondarily refers to μεγάλην.καί then is rather “and” than “even.” “So large a city that is really one you will not easily find, but the semblance (of one big city) you will find in cities many and many times the size of this.” Cf. also 462 A-B, and my paper “Plato's Laws and the Unity of Plato's Thought,”Class. Phil. 1914, p. 358. For Aristotle's comment Cf. Politics 1261 a 15.

28 The Greek idea of governemnt required that the citizens know one another. They would not have called Babylon, London, or Chicago cities. Cf. Introduction p. xxviii, Fowler, Greek City State, passim, Newman, Aristotle Politics vol. i. Introduction pp. 314-315, and Isocrates' complaint that Athens was too large, Antidosis 171-172.

29 Ironical, of course.

30 Ironical, of course.

31 Cf. on 415 B.

32 The special precept with regard to the guardians was significant of the universal principle, “one man, one task.” Cf. 443 C, 370 B-C (note), 394 E, 374 A-D, Laws 846 D-847 B.

33 It is a natural growth, not an artificial contrivance. For Aristotle's criticism Cf. Politics 1261 A.

34 The proverbial one great thing (one thing needful). The proverb perhaps is:πόλλ᾽ οἶδ᾽ ἀλώπηξ ἀλλ᾽ ἐχῖνος ἓν μέγα(Suidas). Cf. Archil. fr. 61ἓν δ᾽ ἐπίσταμαι μέγα, Politicus 297 Aμέχριπερ ἂν ἓν μέγα φυλάττωσι.

35 μέγα has the unfavorable associations of ἔπος μέγα, and ἱκανόν, “adequate,” is characteristically preferred by Plato.

36 Cf. on 416 E. Plato of course has in mind the education already described and the higher education of books VI. and VII.

37 The indirect introduction of the proverb is characteristicof Plato's style. Cf. on 449 C, where the paradox thus lightly introduced is taken up for serious discussion. Quite fantastic is the hypothesis on which much ink has been wasted, that the Ecclesiazusae of Aristophanes was suggested by this sentence and is answered by the fifth book. Cf. introduction pp. xxv and xxxiv. It ought not to be necessary to repeat that Plato's communism applies only to the guardians, and that its main purpose is to enforce their disinterestedness. Cf. Introduction pp. xv and note a, xxxiv, xlii, xliv, and “Plato's Laws and the Unity of Plato's Thought,” p. 358. Aristotle's criticism is that the possessions of friends ought to be common in use but not in ownership. Cf. Politics 1263 a 30, and Euripides Andromache 376-377.

38 Cf. Politcus 305 Dτὴν ἀρχήν τε καὶ ὁρμήν.

39 No concrete metaphor of wheel, hook or circle seems to be intended, but only the cycle of cumulative effect of education on nature and nature on education, described in what follows. See the evidence collected in my note, Class. Phil. vol. v. pp. 505-507.

40 Cf. 459 A.

41 Our text has ἐπικλείουσ᾽ and ἀκουόντεσσι. For the variant cf. Howes in Harvard Studies, vi. p. 205. For the commonplace that new songs are best cf. Pindar, Ol. 9. 52.

42 Cf. Stallbaum on Phaedrus 238 D-E, Forman, Plato Selections, p. 457.

43 The meaning of the similar phrase in Pindar, Ol. iii. 4 is different.

44 μουσικῆς τρόποι need not be so technical as it is in later Greek writers on music, who, however, were greatly influenced by Plato. For the ethical and social power of music cf. Introduction p. xiv note c, and 401 D-404 A, also Laws 700 D-E, 701 A.

45 Cf. Protagoras 316 A, Julian 150 B.

46 The etymological force of the word makes the metaphor less harsh than the English translation “guard-house.” Cf. Laws 962 C, where Bury renders “safeguard.” Cf. Pindar's ἀκόνας λιγυρᾶς, the sharpening thing, that is, the whetstone, Ol. vi. 82.

47 παρανομία besides its moral meaning (537 E) suggests lawless innovation in music, from association with the musical sense of νόμος. Cf. Chicago Studies in Class. Phil. i. p. 22 n. 4.

48 So Aristotle Politics 1307 b 33.

49 Cf. the warning aagainst innovation in children's games, Laws 797 A-B. But music is παιδεία as well as παιδιά. Cf. Aristotle's three uses of music, for play, education, and the entertainment of leisure (Politics 1339 a 16).

50 Cf. Demosthenes xix. 228. The image is that of a stream overflowing and spreading. Cf. Euripides fr. 499 N. and Cicero's use of “serpit,”Cat. iv. 3, and passim.

51 Cf. on 389 D.

52 The reference is to the general tenor of what precedes.

53 πρότερον is an unconscious lapse from the construction of an ideal state to the reformation of a degenerate Athens. Cf. Isocrates Areopagiticus 41 ff., and Laws 876 B-C, 948 C-D.

54 For these traits of old-fashioned decorum and modesty cf. Aristophanes Clouds 961-1023, Blaydes on 991, Herodotus ii. 80, Isocrates Areopagiticus 48-49.

55 Cf. Starkie on Aristophanes Wasps 1069.

56 Cf. on 412 B, Isocrates Areopagiticus 41, and Laws 788 B, where the further, still pertinent consideration is added that the multiplication of minor enactments tends to bring fundamental laws into contempt. Cf. “Plato's Laws and the Unity of Plato's Thought,” p. 353, n. 2.

57 Cf. 401 C, Demosthenes Olynth. iii. 33τέλειόν τι καὶ μέγα.

58 τὰ τοιαῦτα is slightly contemptuous. Specific commercial, industrial and criminal legislation was not compatible with the plan of the Republic, and so Plato omits it here. Much of it is given in the Laws, but even there details are left to the citizens and their rulers. Cf. on 412 B.

59 Cf. Laws 922 A, Aristotle Politics 1263 b 21. All legal relations of contract, impied contract and tort.

60 In Laws 920 D Plato allows a δίκη ἀτελοῦς ὁμολογίας against workmen or contractors who break or fail to complete contracts.

61 Cf. Laws 935 C. There was no λοιδορίας δίκη under that name at Athens, but certain words were actionable,ἀπόρρητα and there was a δίκη κακηγορίας.

62 Plato shows his contempt for the subject by this confused enumeration, passing without warning from contracts and torts to procedure and then to taxes, market, harbor and police regulations.

63 τολμήσομεν is both “venture” and “deign.”

64 Cf. Isocrates Panegyr. 78ὅτι τοῖς καλοῖς κἀγαθοῖς τῶν ἀνθρώπων οὐδὲν δεήσει πολλῶν γραμμάτων.

65 Cf. Emerson, “Experience”: “They wish to be saved from the mischiefs of their vices but not from their vices. Charity would be wasted on this poor waiting on the symptoms. A wise and hardy physician will say, 'Come out of that' as the first condition of advice.”

66 Ironical. Quite fanciful is Dümmler's supposition (Kleine Schriften, i, p. 99) that this passage was meant as destructive criticism of Isocrates Panegyricus and that Antidosis 62 is a reply. Plato is obviously thinking of practical politicians rather than of Isocrates.

67 πλήν γε etc., is loosely elliptical, but emendations are superfluous.

68 For the list cf. Pindar, Pyth. iii. 50-54.οὐδ᾽ αὖ emphasizes the transition to superstitious remedies in which Plato doesn't really believe. Cf. his rationalizing interpretations of ἐπῳδαί, Charmides 157 A, Theaetetus 149 C.Laws 933 A-B is to be interpreted in the spirit of the observation in Selden's Table Talk: “The law against witches does not prove that there be any but it punishes the malice,” etc. [Demosthenes] xxv. 80 is sceptical.

69 Cf. any lexicon, Shakespeare 1 Henry VI. v. iii. 2 “Now help, ye charming spells and periapts,” and Plutarch's story of the women who hung them on Pericles' neck on his death-bed.

70 Cf. 480 A, 354 A.

71 The noun is more forcible than the verb would be. Cf. Protagoras 309 Aἐπαινέτης.

72 We return from the illustration to its application to the state.

73 Cf. 497 B, Aristotle Politics 1301 b 11. Cf. the obvious imitation in the (probably spurious)Epistle vii. 330 E. For the thought, from the point of view of an enemy of democracy, cf. the statement in [Xenophon]Rep. Ath. 3. 9, that the faults of Athens cannot be corrected while she remains a democracy. The Athenians naturally guarded their constitution and viewed with equal suspicion the idealistic reformer and the oligarchical reactionary.

74 Cf. , p. 65 note d, and Laws 923 B. The phraseology here recalls Gorgias 517 B, Aristophanes Knights 46-63. Cf. “Plato's Laws and the Unity of Plato's Thought,”Class Phil. vol. ix. (Oct. 1914) p. 363, n. 3.

75 Almost technical. Cf. 538 B.

76 Here “serve,” not “flatter.”

77 This word εὐχέρεια is often misunderstood by lexicons and commentators. It is of course not “dexterity” (L. and S.) nor yet probably “complaisance,” nor yet “humanitas” or “Gutmütigkeit” as Adam and Schneider think. It expresses rather the light-heartedness with which such politicians rush in where wiser men fear to tread, which is akin to the lightness with which men plunge into crime. Cf. Laws 690 Dτῶν ἐπὶ νόμων θέσιν ἰόντων ῥᾳδίως and 969ἀνδρειότατος. Plato's political physician makes “come out of that” a precondition of his treatment. Cf. Laws 736-737, Politicus 299 A-B, 501 A, 540 E, Epistle vii. 330 C-D, and the story in Aelian. V.H. ii. 42. of Plato's refusal to legislate for the Arcadians because they would not accept an equalization of property.

78 Cf. Euthyphro 2 C-D, Gorgias 513 B, Politicus 275 C and 292 D.

79 Plato often condescendingly and half ironically pardons psychologically inevitable errors. Cf. 366 C, Phaedrus 269 B, Euthydemus 306 C.

80 For οὐκ αὖ cf. 393 D, 442 A, Theaetetus 161 A, Class. Phil. vol. xxiii. pp. 285-287.ἔγωγε above concurs with ἄγασαι, ignoring the irony.πλήν γε etc. marks dissent on one point. This dissent is challenged, and is withdrawn by οὐκ αὖ . . . τοῦτο γε（οἶμαι).

81 τῷ ὄντι points the application of the proverbial ὕδραν τέμνειν, which appears in this now trite metaphorical use for the first time here and in Euthydemus 297 C. Cf. my note on Horace iv. 4. 61. For the thought cf. Isocrates vii. 40, Macrob.Sat. ii. 13 “leges bonae ex malis moribus procreantur,” Arcesilaus apudStobaeus Flor. xliii. 981οὕτω δὴ καὶ ὅπου νόμοι πλεῖστοι ἐκεῖ καὶ ἀδικίαν εἶναι μεγίστην, Theophrastus apudStobaeus Flor. xxxvii. 21ὀλίγων οἱ ἀγαθοὶ νόμων δέονται.

82 Ironically, “I should not have supposed, but for the practice of our politicians.”

83 εἶδος νόμων πέρι is here a mere periphrasis, though the true classification of laws was a topic of the day. Cf. Laws 630 E, Aristotle Politics 1267 b 37. Plato is not always careful to mark the distinction between the legislation which he rejects altogether and that which he leaves to the discretion of the citizens.

84 ἐκεῖ=in the other world. So often.

85 For the exegete as a special religious functionary at Athens. cf. L. and S. s.v. and Laws 759 C-D. Apollo in a higher sense is the interpreter of religion for all mankind. He is technically πατρῷος at Athens (Euthydemus 302 D) but he is πάτριος for all Greeks and all men. Plato does not, as Thümser says (p. 301), confuse the Dorian and the Ionian Apollo, but rises above the distinction.

86 Plato prudently or piously leaves the deatils of ceremonial and institutional religion to Delphi. Cf. 540 B-C, Laws 759 C, 738 B-C, 828 A, 856 E, 865 B, 914 A, 947 D.

87 This “navel” stone, supposed to mark the center of the earth, has now been found. Cf. Poulsen's Delphi , pp. 19, 29, 157, and Frazer on Pausanias x. 16.

88 Not the ἀναγκαιοτάτη πόλις of 369 E, nor the φλεγμαίνουσα πόλις of 372 E, but the purified city of 399 E has now been established and described. The search for justice that follows formulates for the first time the doctrine of the four cardinal virtues and defines each provisionally and sufficiently for the present purpose, and solves the problems dramatically presented in the minor dialogues, Charmides, Laches, etc. Cf. Unity of Plato's Thought, pp. 15-18, nn. 81-102, and the introduction to the second volume of this translation.

89 αὐτός τε καί: cf. 398 A.

90 See on 369 A. Matter-of-fact critics may object that there is no injustice in the perfectly good state. But we know the bad best by the canon of the good. Cf. on 409 A-B. The knowledge of opposites is the same. Injustice can be defined only in relation to its opposite (444 A-B), and in the final argument the most unjust man and state are set up as the extreme antitypes of the ideal (571-580). By the perfect state Plato does not mean a state in which no individual retains any human imperfections. It is idle then to speak of “difficulties” or “contradictions” or changes of plan in the composition of the Republic.

91 For ἐάν τε . . . ἐάν τε cf. 367 E.

92 Cf. 331 E. Emphatic as in 449 D-450 A, Phaedo 95 A, and Alc. I. 135 D.

93 Cf. 368 B-C.

94 Cf. 434 E, 449 A. This in a sense begs the original question in controversy with Thrasymachus, by the assumption that justice and the other moral virtues are goods. Cf. Gorgias 507 C. See The Idea of Good in Plato's Republic, p. 205. For the cardinal virtues cf. Schmidt, Ethik der Griechen, i. p. 304, Pearson, Fragments of Zeno and Cleanthes, pp. 173 f., and commentators on Pindar, Nem. iii. 74, which seems to refer to four periods of human life, and Xenophon Memorabilia iii. 9. 1-5, and iv. 6. 1-12. Plato recognizes other virtues even in the Republic(402 Cἐλευθεριότης and μεγαλοπρέπεια. Cf. 536 A), and would have been as ready to admit that the number four was a part of his literary machinery as Ruskin was to confess the arbitrariness of his Seven Lamps of Architecture.

95 It is pedantry to identify this with Mill's method of residues and then comment on the primitive naïveté of such an application of logic to ethics. One might as well speak of Andocides' employment of the method (De myst. 109) or of its use by Gorgias in the disjunctive dilemma of the Palamedes 11 and passim, or say that the dog of the anecdote employs it when he sniffs up one trail and immediately runs up the other. Plato obviously employs it merely as a literary device for the presentation of his material under the figure of a search. He, “in the infancy of philosophy,” is quite as well aware as his censors can be in the senility of criticism that he is not proving anything by this method, but merely setting forth what he has assumed for other reasons.

96 σοφία is wisdom par excellence. Aristotle, Met. i., traces the history of the idea from Homer to its identification in Aristotle's mind with first philosophy for metaphysics. For Plato, the moralist, it is virtue and the fear of the Lord; for his political theory it is the “political or royal art” which the dramatic dialogues fail to distinguish from the special sciences and arts. Cf. Unity of Plato's Thought, p. 17, n. 97, Protagoras 319 A, Euthydemus 282 E, 291 C, Gorgias 501 A-B, etc. In the unreformed Greek state its counterfeit counterpart is the art of the politician. In the Republic its reality will be found in the selected guardians who are to receive the higher education, and who alone will apprehend the idea of the good, which is not mentioned here simply because Plato, not Krohn, is writing the Republic.

97 Protagoras, like Isocrates, professed to teach εὐβουλία（Protagoras 318 E), which Socrates identifies at once with the political art. Plato would accept Protagoras's discrimination of this for the special arts (ibid. 318 ff.), but he does not believe that such as Protagoras can teach it. His political art is a very different thing from Protagoras's εὐβουλία and is apprehended by a very different education from that offered by Protagoras. Cf. “Plato's Laws and the Unity of Plato's Thought,” p. 348, n. 5, Euthydemus 291 B-C, Charmides 170 B, Protagoras 319 A, Gorgias 501 A-B, 503 D, Politicus 289 C, 293 D, 309 C.

98 βουλευομένη: Heindorf's βουλευομένην is perhaps supported by ᾗ . . . βουλεύεται below, but in view of Plato's colloquial anacloluthic style is unnecessary.

99 Cf. on 416 C.

100 Cf. Protagoras 311 Eτί ὄνομα ἄλλο γε λεγόμενον περὶ Πρωταγόρου ἀκούομεν; ὥσπερ περὶ Φειδίου ἀγαλματοποιὸν καὶ περὶ Ὁμήρου ποιητήν.

101 τοιαύτη such, that is, brave. The courage of a state, qua such, also resides in a small class, the warriors.

102 ἀνδρεῖοι ὄντες: the ab urbe condita construction. Cf. 421 A.

103 τοίαν . . . ἢ τοίαν: cf. 437 E, Phaedrus 271 D, Laws 721 B.

104 Cf. 442 C, Aristotle Eth. Nic. 1129 b 19προστάττει δ᾽ ὁ νόμος καὶ τὰ τοῦ ἀνδρείου ἔργα ποιεῖν.

105 Cf. on 347 A.

106 σωτηρίαν is the genus;Philebus 34 A, Def. Plat. 412 A-B. Hence ποίαν as often in the minor dialogues sometimes with a play on its idiomatic, contemptuous meaning. Cf. Laches 194 D.

107 In the Laches 191 D-E, and the Laws 633 D also, Plato generalizes courage to include resistance to the lure of pleasure.

108 Cf. 412 E.

109 The moral training of the guardians is likened to the dyeing of selected white wools with fast colors. Cf. Aristotle Eth. Nic. 1105 a 2, Marc. Aurel. iii. 4. 3δικαιοσύνῃ βεβαμμένον εἰς βάθος, Sir Thomas Browne, Christian Morals, i. 9 “Be what thou virtuously art, and let not the ocean wash away thy tincture.” The idea that the underlying subsatnce must be of neutral quality may have been suggested to Plato by Anaxagoras. It occurs in the Timaeus 50 D-E, whence it passed to Aristotle's psychology and Lucretius. Cf. my paper on “Plato, Epicurus, and Lucretius,”Harvard Studies, vol. xii. p. 204.

110 For the technique cf. Blummer, Technologie, vol. i. pp. 227 ff. The θεράπευσις seems to be virtually identical with the προπαρασκευή, so that the aorist seems appropriate, unless with Adam's earlier edition we transpose it immediately before οὕτω δή.

111 For δευσοποιός cf. L. and S., and Nauck,Ἀδέσποτα441τοῖς δευσοποιοῖς φαρμάκοις ξανθίζεται.

112 The two points of precaution are (1) to select white wool, not ἄλλα χρώματα, (2) to prepare by treatment even this.

113 Cf. 522 A, Philebus 17 B.

114 γίγνοιτο is process;ἐκπλύναι(aorist) is a single event (μή).

115 δεινά: it is not fanciful to feel the unity of Plato's imagination as well as of his thought in the recurrence of this word in the δεινὰ καὶ ἀναγκαῖα of the mortal soul in Timaeus 69 C.

116 Cf. Protagoras 360 C-D, Laws 632 C, Aristotle Eth. Nic. 1116 b 24. Strictly speaking, Plato would recognize four grades, (1) philosophic bravery, (2) the bravery of the ἐπίκουροι here defined, (3) casual civic bravery in ordinary states, (4) animal instinct, which hardly deserves the name. Cf. Laches 196 E, Mill, Nature, p. 47 “Consistent courage is always the effect of cultivation,” etc., Unity of Plato's Thought, nn. 46 and 77.

117 Phaedo 69 B.

118 νόμιμον of the Mss. yields quite as good a meaning as Stobaeus's μόνιμον. The virtuous habit that is inculcated by law is more abiding than accidental virtue.

119 γε marks a reservation as 415 Eστρατιωτικάς γε, Politicus 30 E, Laws 710 Aτὴν δημώδη γε. Plotinus, unlike some modern commentators, perceived this. Cf. Enn. i. 2. 3. In Phaedo 82 Aπολιτικήν is used disparagingly of ordinary bourgeois virtue. In Xenophon Rep. Lac. 10. 7 and Aristotle Eth. NIc. iii. 8. 1 (1116 a 17) there is no disparagement. The word is often used of citizen soldiery as opposed to professional mercenaries.

120 This dismissal of the subject is sometimes fancifully taken as a promise of the Laches. Cf. Unity of Plato's Thought, nn. 77 and 603.

121 Matthew Arnold's word. But cf. on 398 D and 430 E—“sobriety,” “temperance,” “Besonnenheit.”

122 εἰ μὴ ἀδικῶ is idiomatic, “I ought to.” Cf. 608 D, 612, Menexenus 236 B.

123 Cf. Gorgias 506 E ff.σωφροσύνη and σωφρονεῖν sometimes mean etymologically of sound mind or level head, with or without ethical suggestion, according to the standpoint of the spaeker. Cf. Protagoras 333 B-C. Its two chief meanings in Greek usage are given in 389 D-E: subordination to due authority, and control of appetite, both raised to higher significance in Plato's definition. As in the case of bravery, Plato distinguishes the temperamental, the bourgeois, the disciplined, and the philosophical virtue. But he affects to feel something paradoxical in the very idea of self-control, as perhaps there is. Cf. Laws 626 E ff., 863 D, A.J.P. vol. xiii. pp. 361 f., Unity of Plato's Thought, nn. 77 and 78.

124 Cf. Phaedrus 250 A.

125 Cf. 442 A, Laws 689 A-B. The expression is intended to remind us of the parallelism between man and state. See Introduction.

126 Cf. Symposium 189 E.

127 Cf. 441 D, 443 B, 573 D.

128 παντοδαπός is disparaging in Plato.

129 παισί: so Wolf, for Ms.πᾶσι, a frequent error. Cf. 494 B. Plato, like Shakespeare's Rosalind, brackets boys and women as creatures who have for every passion something and for no passion truly anything.

130 Cf. on 336 A. The ordinary man who is passion's slave is not truly free. The Stoics and Cynics preached many sermons on this text. See Persius, Sat. v. 73. and 124, Epictetus Diss . iv. 1, Xenophon Memorabilia iv. 5. 4, Xenophon Oecon. 1. 22-23.

131 Plato is again proceeding by seemingly minute verbal links. Cf. 354 A, 379 B, 412 D.καὶ μήν introduces a further verification of the definition.

132 που marks the slight hesitation at the deviation from the symmetry of the scheme which would lead us to expect, as Aristotle and others have taken it, that σωφροσύνη is the distinctive virtue of the lowest class. It is so practically for the lower sense of σωφροσύνη, but in the higher sense of the willingness of each to fulfil his function in due subordination to the whole, it is common to all classes.

133 Cf. 430 E. Aristotle gives this as an example of (faulty) defintion by metaphor (Topics iv. 3. 5).

134 δι᾽ ὅλης: sc.τῆς πόλεως, but as ἀτεχνῶς shows (Cf. on 419 E) it already suggets the musical metaphor of the entire octave διὰ πασῶν.

135 The word order of the following is noteworthy. The translation gives the meaning.ταὐτόν, the object of συνᾴδοντας, is, by a trait of style that grows more frequent in the Laws and was imitated by Cicero, so placed as to break the monotony of the accusative terminations.

136 For the comparison the kind of superiority is indifferent. See Thompson on Meno 71 E and compare the enumeration of claims to power in the Laws,ἀξιώματα . . . τοῦ ἀρχεῖν, Laws 690 A ff. and 434 B.

137 The final statement of the definition, which, however, has little significance for Plato's thought, when isolated from its explanatory context. Cf. Def. Plat. 413 E, Unity of Plato's Thought, pp. 15. f., n. 82. Quite idle is the discussion whether σωφροσύνη is otiose, and whether it can be absolutely distinguished from δικαιοσύνη. They are sufficiently distinguished for Plato's purpose in the imagery and analogies of the Republic.

138 Cf. on 351 E.

139 Cf. Demosthenes 18 and 430 Eὥς γε ἐντεῦθεν ἰδεῖν. Plato's definitions and analyses are never presented as final. They are always sufficient for the purpose in hand. Cf. Unity of Plato's Thought, p. 13, nn. 63-67 and 519.

140 δι᾽ ὅ: cf. my paper on the Origin of the Syllogism, Class. Phil. vol. xix. pp. 7 ff. This is an example of the terminology of the theory of ideas “already” in the first four books. Cf. Unity of Plato's Thought, p. 35, n. 238, p. 38.

141 νῦν δή: i.e.νῦν ἤδη.

142 Cf. Soph. 235 B, Euthydemus 290 B-C, Phaedo 66 C, Laws 654 E, Parmenides 128 C, Lysis 218 C, Thompson on Meno 96 E, Huxley, Hume , p. 139 “There cannot be two passions more nearly resembling each other than hunting and philosophy.” Cf. also Hardy's “He never could beat the covert of conversation without starting the game.” The elaboration of the image here is partly to mark the importance of δικαιοσύνη and partly to relieve the monotony of continuous argument.

143 It is not necessary, though plausible, to emend μετρίως to μετρίῳ. The latter is slightly more idiomatical. Cf. Terence's “benigno me utetur patre.”

144 Prayer is the proper preface of any act. Cf. Timaeus 27 C, Laws 712 B.

145 τὸ πάθος: for the periphrasis cf. 376 A.

146 Cf. Theaetetus 201 A.

147 A homely figure such as Dante and Tennyson sometimes use.

148 This sounds like Hegel but is not Hegelian thought.

149 Cf. on 344 E. Justice is a species falling under the vague genus τὸ ἑαυτοῦ πράττειν, which Critias in the Charmides proposed as a definition of σωφροσύνη（Charmides 161 B), but failed to sustain owing to his inability to distinguish the various possible meanings of the phrase. In the Republic too we have hitherto failed to “learn from ourselves” its true meaning, till now when Socrates begins to perceive that if taken in the higher sense of spiritual division of labor in the soul and in the state, it is the long-sought justice. Cf. 433 B-D, 443 C-D.

150 This need not refer to any specific passage in the dialogues. Cf. Unity of Plato's Thought, n. 236. A Greek could at any time say that minding one's own business and not being a busybody is σῶφρον or δίκαιον or both.

151 τρόπον τινὰ γιγνόμενον: as in the translation, not “justice seems somehow to be proving to be this.” Cf. 432 E, 516 C, Lysis 217 E, Laws 910 B, 495 A, 596 D, Goodwin, Moods and Tenses, 830. Yet, Cf. Politicus 291 D.

152 καίτοι: cf. on 360 C and 376 B. Here it points out the significance of τὸ ὑπόλοιπον if true, while ἀλλὰ μέντοι introduces the considerations that prove it true.

153 γε argues from the very meaning of ἐνάμιλλον. Cf. 379 B.

154 So Phaedo 79 Eὅρα δὴ καὶ τῇδε. It introduces a further confirmation. The mere judicial and conventional conception of justice can be brought under the formula in a fashion (πῃ), for legal justice “est constans et perpetua voluntas ius suum cuique tribuens.” Cf. 331 E and Aristotle Rhet. 1366 b 9ἔστι δὲ δικαιοσύνη μὲν ἀρετὴ δι᾽ ἣν τὰ αὑτῶν ἕκαστα ἔχουσι, καὶ ὡς ὁ νόμος.

155 τἀλλότρια: the article is normal; Stallb. on Phaedrus 230 A. For the ambiguity of τἀλλότρια cf. 443 D. So οἰκείου is one's own in either literal or the ideal sense of the Stoics and Emerson, and ἑαυτοῦ is similarly ambiguous. Cf. on 443 D.

156 ἕξις is still fluid in Plato and has not yet taken the technical Aristotelian meaning of habit or state.

157 A further confirmation. For what follows cf. 421 A.

158 μάλιστα with κακουργία.

159 πάλιν, “again,” here means conversely. Cf. 425 A. The definition is repeated in terms of the three citizen classes to prepare the way for testing it in relation to the individual soul, which, if the analogy is to hold, must possess three corresponding faculties or parts. The order of words in this and many Platonic sentences is justified by the psychological “investigation,” which showed that when the question “which do you like best, apples, pears, or cherries?” was presented in the form “apples, pears, cherries, which do you like best?” the reaction time was appreciably shortened.

160 οἰκειοπραγία: this coinage is explained by the genitive absolute. Proclus (Kroll i. p. 207) substitutes αὐτοπραγία. So Def. Plat. 411 E.

161 ἐκείνου: cf.ἐκείνοις, 425 A.

162 παγίως: cf. 479 C, Aristotle Met. 1062 b 15.

163 The doctrine of the transcendental ideas was undoubtedly familiar to Plato at this time. Cf. on 402 B, and Unity of Plato's Thought, p. 31, n. 194, p. 35. But we need not evoke the theory of παρουσία here to account for this slight personification of the form, idea, or definition of justice. Cf. 538 D, and the use of ἐλθών in Euripides Suppl. 562 and of ἰόν in Philebus 52 E. Plato, in short, is merely saying vivaciously what Aristotle technically says in the words δεῖ δὲ τοῦτο μὴ μόνον καθόλου λέγεσθαι, ἀλλὰ καὶ τοῖς καθ᾽ ἕκαστα ἐφαρμόττειν, Eth. Nic. 1107 a 28.

164 In 368 E. For the loose internal accusative ἥν cf. 443 B, Laws 666 B, Phaedrus 249 D, Sophist 264 B, my paper on Illogical Idiom, T.A.P.A., 1916, vol. xlvii. p. 213, and the school-girl's “This is the play that the reward is offered for the best name suggested for it.”

165 ἐκεῖ though redundant need not offend in this intentionally ancoluthic and resumptive sentence. Some inferior Mss. read ἐκεῖνο. Burnet's <ἢ>is impossible.

166 ἔν γε τῇ ἀγαθῇ: cf. on 427 E, and for the force of γε cf. 379 B, 403 E.

167 Cf. Sophist 230 Bτιθέασι παρ᾽ ἀλλήλας, Isocrates Areopagiticus 79, Nic. 17.

168 Cf. L and S. and Morgan, “De Ignis Eliciendi Modis,”Harvard Studies, vol. i. pp. 15, 21 ff. and 30; and Damascius (Ruelle, p. 54, line 18)καὶ τοῦτό ἐστιν ὅπερ εξαίφνης ἀνάπτεται φῶς ἀληθείας ὥσπερ ἐκ πυρείων προστριβομένων.

169 Cf. Gorgias 484 B, Epistle vii. 344 B.

170 Plato often observes that a certain procedure is methodical and we must follow it, or that it is at least methodical or consistent, whatever the results may be.

171 ὅ γε ταὐτόν: there are several reasons for the seeming over-elaboration of the logic in the next few pages. The analogy between the three classes in the state and the tripartite soul is an important point in Plato's ethical theory and an essential feature in the structure of the Republic. Very nice distinctions are involved in the attempt to prove the validity of the analogy for the present argument without too flagrant contradiction of the faith elsewhere expressed in the essential unity of the soul. Cf. Unity of Plato's Thought, p. 42. These distinctions in the infancy of logic Plato is obliged to set forth and explain as he proceeds. Moreover, he is interested in logical method for its own sake (cf.. Introduction p. xiv), and is here stating for the first time important principles of logic afterwards codified in the treatises of Aristotle.γε marks the inference from the very meaning of ταὐτόν. Cf. on 379 B, 389 B, and Politicus 278 E; cf. also Parmenides 139 E. The language suggests the theory of ideas. But Plato is not now thinking primarily of that. He is merely repeating in precise logical form the point already made (434 D-E), that the definition of justice in the individual must correspond point for point with that worked out for the state.

172 Cf. 369 A and Meno 72 B. In Philebus 12 E-13 C, Plato points out that the generic or specific identity does not exclude specific or sub-specific differences.

173 ἕξεις is here almost the Aristotelian ἕξις. Aristotle, Eth. Nic. 1105 b 20, regards πάθη, ἕξεις and δυνάμεις as an exhaustive enumeration of mental states. For δυνάμεις cf. 477 C, Simplic.De An. Hayduck, p. 289ἀλλὰ τὰ ὧν πρὸς πρακτικὴν ἐδεῖτο ζωήν, τὰ τρία μόνα παρείληφεν.

174 Cf. 423 C.

175 A proverb often cited by Plato with variations. Cf. 497 D-E.

176 τοῦτο by strict grammatical implication means the problem of the tripartite soul, but the reference to this passage in 504 B shows that it includes the whole question of the definition of the virtues, and so ultimately the whole of ethical and political philosophy. We are there told again that the definitions of the fourth book are sufficient for the purpose, but that complete insight can be attained only by relating them to the idea of the good. That required a longer and more circuitous way of discipline and training. Plato then does not propose the “longer way” as a method of reasoning which he himself employs to correct the approximations of the present discussion. He merely describes it as the higher education which will enable his philosophical rulers to do that. We may then disregard all idle guesses about a “new logic” hinted at in the longer way, and all fantastic hypotheses about the evolution of Plato's thought and the composition of the Republic based on supposed contradictions between this passage and the later books. Cf. Introduction p. xvi, “Idea of Good,” p. 190, Unity of Plato's Thought, p. 16, n. 90; followed by Professor Wilamowitz, ii. p. 218, who, however, does not understand the connection of it all with the idea of good. Plato the logician never commits himself to more than is required by the problem under discussion (cf. on 353 c), and Plato the moralist never admits that the ideal has been adequately expressed, but always points to heights beyond. Cf. 506 E, 533 A, Phaedo 85 C, Ti. 29 B-C, Soph. 254 C.

177 Plato takes for granted as obvious the general correspondence which some modern philosophers think it necessary to reaffirm. Cf. Mill, Logic, vi. 7. 1 “Human beings in society have no properties, but those which are derived from and may be resolved into the laws and the nature of individual man”; Spencer, Autobiog. ii. p. 543 “Society is created by its units. . . . The nature of its organization is determined by the nature of its units.” Plato illustrates the commonplace in a slight digression on national characteristics, with a hint of the thought partially anticipated by Hippocrates and now identified with Buckle's name, that they are determined by climate and environment. Cf. Newman, Introduction to Aristotle Politics pp. 318-320.

178 αἰτιάσαιτο: this merely varies the idiom αἰτίαν ἔχειν, “predicate of,” “say of.” Cf. 599 E. It was a common boast of the Athenians that the fine air of Athens produced a corresponding subtlety of wit. Cf. Euripides Medea 829-830, Isocrates vii. 74, Roberts, The Ancient Boeotians, pp. 59, 76.

179 φιλοχρήματον is a virtual synonym of ἐπιθυμητικόν. Cf. 580 E and Phaedo 68 C, 82 C.

180 In Laws 747 C, Plato tells that for this or some other cause the mathematical education of the Phoenicians and Egyptians, which he commends, developed in them πανουργία rather than σοφία.

181 The questions debated by psychologists from Aristotle (Eth. Nic. 1102 a 31) to the present day is still a matter of rhetoric, poetry, and point of view rather than of strict science. For some purposes we must treat the “faculties” of the mind as distinct entities, for others we must revert to the essential unity of the soul. Cf. Arnold's “Lines on Butler's Sermons” and my remarks in The Assault on Humanism. Plato himself is well aware of this, and in different dialogues emphasizes the aspect that suits his purpose. There is no contradiction between this passage and Phaedo 68 C, 82 C, and Republic x. 611-12. Cf. Unity of Plato's Thought, pp. 42-43.

182 The first formulation of the law of contradiction. Cf. Phaedo 102 E, Theaetetus 188 A, Soph. 220 B, 602 E. Sophistical objections are anticipated here and below (436 E) by attaching to it nearly all the qualifying distinctions of the categories which Aristotle wearily observes are necessary πρὸς τὰς σοφιστικὰς ἐνοχλήσεις（De interp. 17 a 36-37). Cf. Met. 1005 b 22πρὸς τὰς λογικὰς δυσχερείας, and Rhet. ii. 24. Plato invokes the principle against Heraclitism and other philosophies of relativity and the sophistries that grew out of them or played with their formulas. Cf. Unity of Plato's Thought, pp. 50 ff., 53, 58, 68. Aristotle follows Plato in this, pronouncing it πασῶν βεβαιοτάτη ἀρχή.

183 κατὰ ταὐτόν=in the same part or aspect of itself;πρὸς ταὐτόν=in relation to the same (other) thing. Cf. Sophist 230 Bἅμα περὶ τῶν αὐτῶν πρὸς τὰ αὐτὰ κατὰ ταὐτὰ ἐναντίας.

184 For this method of reasoning cf. 478 D, 609 B, Laws 896 C, Charmides 168 B-C, Gorgias 496 C, Philebus 11 D-E.

185 ἦν="was all along and is.”

186 The maxim is applied to the antithesis of rest and motion, so prominent in the dialectics of the day. Cf. Sophist 249 C-D, Parmenides 156 D and passim.

187 Cf. Theaetetus 181 E.

188 The argumentative γε is controversial. For the illustration of the top cf. Spencer, First Principle, 170, who analyzes “certain oscillations described by the expressive though inelegant word 'wobbling'” and their final dissipation when the top appears stationary in the equilibrium mobile.

189 The meaning is plain, the alleged rest and motion do not relate to the same parts of the objects. But the syntax of τὰ τοιαῦτα is difficult. Obvious remedies are to expunge the words or to read τῶν τοιούτων, the cacophony of which in the context Plato perhaps rejected at the cost of leaving his syntax to our conjectures.

190 Cf. Aristotle Met. 1022 a 23ἔτι δὲ τὸ καθὸ τὸ κατὰ θέσιν λέγεται, καθὸ ἕστηκεν, etc,

191 εἴη, the reading of most Mss., should stand. It covers the case of contradictory predicates, especially of relation, that do not readily fall under the dichotomy ποιεῖν πάσχειν. So Phaedo 97 Cἢ εἶναι ἢ ἄλλο ὁτιοῦν πάσχειν ἢ ποιεῖν.

192 ἀμφισβητήσεις is slightly contemptuous. Cf. Aristotle , ἐνοχλήσεις, and Theaetetus 158 Cτό γε ἀμφισβητῆσαι οὐ χαλεπόν.

193 It is almost a Platonic method thus to emphasize the dependence of one conclusion on another already accepted. Cf. Unity of Plato's Thought, n. 471, Politicus 284 D, Phaedo 77 A, 92 D, Timaeus 51 D, Parmenides 149 A. It may be used to cut short discussion (Unity of Plato's Thought, n. 471) or divert it into another channel. Here, however, he is aware, as Aristotle is, that the maximum of contradiction can be proved only controversially against an adversary who says something. (cf. my De Platonis Idearum Doctrina, pp. 7-9, Aristotle Met. 1012 b 1-10); and so, having sufficiently guarded his meaning, he dismisses the subject with the ironical observation that, if the maxim is ever proved false, he will give up all that he bases on the hypothesis of its truth. Cf. Sophist 247 E.

194 Cf. Gorgias 496 E, and on 435 D.

195 ἐθέλειν in Plato normally means to be willing, and βούλεσθαι to wish or desire. But unlike Prodicus, Plato emphasizes distinctions of synonyms only when relevant to his purpose. Cf. Unity of Plato's Thought, p. 47 and n. 339, Philebus 60 D.προσάγεσθαι below relates to ἐπιθυμία and ἐπινεύειν to ἐθέλειν . . . βούλεσθαι.

196 Cf. Aristotle De anima 434 a 9. The Platonic doctrine that opinion,δόξα, is discussion of the soul with herself, or the judgement in which such discussion terminates (Cf. Unity of Plato's Thought, p. 47) is here applied to the specific case of the practical reason issuing in an affirmation of the will.

197 ἀβουλεῖν recalls the French coinage “nolonté,” and the southern mule's “won't-power.” Cf. Epistle vii. 347 A, Demosthenes Epistle ii. 17.

198 Cf. Aristotle's ἀνθέλκειν, De anima 433 b 8. “All willing is either pushing or pulling,” Jastrow, Fact and Fable in Psychology, p. 336. Cf. the argument in Spencer's First Principles 80, that the phrase “impelled by desires” is not a metaphor but a physical fact. Plato's generalization of the concepts “attraction” and “repulsion” brings about a curious coincidence with the language of a materialistic, physiological psychology (cf. Lange, History of Materialism, passim), just as his rejection in the Timaeus of attraction and actio in distans allies his physics with that of the most consistent materialists.

199 Cf. on 349 E.

200 Cf. 412 B and Class. Phil. vii. (1912) pp. 485-486.

201 The argument might proceed with 439 Aτοῦ διψῶντος ἄρα ἡ ψυχή. All that intervenes is a digression on logic, a caveat against possible misunderstandings of the proposition that thirst qua thirst is a desire for drink only and unqualifiedly. We are especially warned (438 A) against the misconception that since all men desire the good, thirst must be a desire not for mere drink but for good drink. Cf. the dramatic correction of a misconception, Phaedo 79 B, 529 A-B.

202 In the terminology of the doctrine of ideas the “presence” of cold is the cause of cool, and that of heat, of hot. Cf. “The Origin of the Syllogism,”Class. Phil. vol. xix. p. 10. But in the concrete instance heat causes the desire of cool and vice versa. Cf. Philebus 35 Aἐπιθυμεῖ τῶν ἐναντίων ἢ πάσχει. If we assume that Plato is here speaking from the point of view of common sense (Cf. Lysis 215 Eτὸ δὲ ψυχρὸν θερμοῦ), there is no need of Hermann's transposition of ψυχροῦ and θερμοῦ, even though we do thereby get a more exact symmetry with πλήθους παρουσίαν . . . τοῦ πολλοῦ below.

203 προσῇ denotes that the “presence” is an addition. Cf.προσείη in Parmenides 149 E.

204 Philebus 35 A adds a refinement not needed here, that thirst is, strictly speaking, a desire for repletion by drink.

205 Cf. 429 B. But (the desires) of such or such a (specific) drink are (due to) that added qualification (of the thirst).

206 μήτοι τις=look you to it that no one, etc.

207 ἄρα marks the rejection of this reasoning. Cf 358 C, 364 E, 381 E, 499 C. Plato of course is not repudiating his doctrine that all men really will the good, but the logic of this passage requires us to treat the desire of good as a distinct qualification of the mere drink.

208 ὅσα γ᾽ ἐστὶ τοιαῦτα etc.: a palmary example of the concrete simplicity of Greek idiom in the expression of abstract ideas.ὅσα etc. (that is, relative terms) divide by partitive apposition into two classes,τὰ μὲν . . . τὰ δέ. The meaning is that if one term of the relation is qualified, the other must be, but if one term is without qualification, the other is also taken absolutely. Plato, as usual (Cf. on 347 B), represents the interlocutor as not understandiong the first general abstract statement, which he therefore interprets and repeats. I have varied the translation in the repetition in order to bring out the full meaning, and some of the differences between Greek and English idiom.

209 The notion of relative terms is familiar. Cf. Charmides 167 E, Theaetetus 160 A, Symposium 199 D-E, Parmenides 133 C ff., Sophist 255 D, Aristotle Topics vi. 4, and Cat. v. It is expounded here only to insure the apprehension of the further point that the qualifications of either term of the relation are relative to each other. In the Politicus 283 f. Plato adds that the great and small are measured not only in relation to each other, but by absolute standards. Cf. Unity of Plato's Thought, pp. 61, 62, and 531 A.

210 καὶ . . . καὶ αὖ . . . καὶ ἔτι γε etc. mark different classes of relations, magnitudes, precise quantites, the mechanical properties of matter and the physical properties.

211 Plato does not wish to complicate his logic with metaphysics. The objective correlate of ἐπιστήμη is a difficult problem. In the highest sense it is the ideas. Cf. Parmenides 134 A. But the relativity of ἐπιστήμη(Aristotle Topics iv. 1. 5) leads to psychological difficulties in Charmides 168 and to theological in Parmenides 134 C-E, which are waived by this phrase. Sceince in the abstract is of knowledge in the abstract, architectural science is of the specific knowledge called architecture. Cf. Sophist 257 C.

212 Cf. Philebus 37 C.

213 Cf. Cratylus 393 B, Phaedo 81 D, and for the thought Aristotle Met. 1030 b 2 ff. The “added determinants” need not be the same. The study of useful things is not necessarily a useful study, as opponents of the Classics argue. In Gorgias 476 B this principle is violated by the wilful fallacy that if to do justice is fine, so must it be to suffer justice, but the motive for this is explained in Laws 859-860.

214 αὐτοῦ οὗπερ ἐπιστήμη ἐστίν is here a mere periphrasis for μαθήματος, αὐτοῦ expressing the idea abstract, mere, absolute, or per se, but ὅπερ or ἥπερ ἐστίν is often a synonym of αὐτός or αὐτή in the sense of abstract, absolute, or ideal. Cf. Thompson on Meno 71 B, Sophist 255 Dτοῦτο ὅπερ ἐστὶν εἶναι.

215 δή marks the application of this digression on relativity, for δῖψος is itself a relative term and is what it is in relation to something else, namely drink.

216 τῶν τινὸς εἶναι: if the text is sound,εἶναι seems to be taken twice, (1) with τοῦτο etc., (2)τῶν τινός as predicates. This is perhaps no harsher than τὸ δοκεῖν εἶναι in Aeschylus Agamemnon 788. Cf. Tennyson's “How sweet are the looks that ladies bend/ On whom their favors fall,” and Pope's “And virgins smiled at what they blushed before.” Possibly θήσεις τῶν τινός is incomplete in itself (cf. 437 B) and εἶναι τοῦτο etc. is a loose epexegesis. The only emendation worth notice is Adam's insertion of καὶ τινὸς between τινὸς and εἶναι, which yields a smooth, but painfully explicit, construction.

217 Cf. further Sophist 255 D, Aristotle Met. 1021 a 27. Aristotle Cat. v., Top. vi. 4. So Plotinus vi. 1. 7 says that relative terms are those whose very being is the relation καὶ τὸ εἶναι οὐκ ἄλλο τι ἢ τὸ ἀλλήλοις εἶναι.

218 Cf. on 437 C, Aristotle, De anima 433 b 8, Laws 644 E, 604 B, Phaedrus 238 C. The practical moral truth of this is independent of our metaphysical psychology. Plato means that the something which made King David refuse the draught purchased by the blood of his soldiers and Sir Philip Sidney pass the cup to a wounded comrade is somehow different than the animal instinct which it overpowers. Cf. Aristotle Eth. Nic. 1102 b 24, Laws 863 E.

219 Cf. 589, Epistle 335 B. Cf. Descartes, Les Passions de l'âme, article xlvii: “En quoi consistent les combats qu'on a coutume d'imaginer entre la partie inférieure et la supérieure de l'âme.” He says in effect that the soul is a unit and the “lower soul” is the body. Cf. ibid. lxviii, where he rejects the “concupiscible” and the “irascible.”

220 Cf. Unity of Plato's Thought, p. 68: “Plato . . . delights to prick the bubbles of imagery, rhetoric, and antithesis blown by his predecessors. Heraclitus means well when he says that the one is united by disunion (Symposium 187 A) or that the hands at once draw and repel the bow. But the epigram vanishes under logical analysis.” For the conceit cf. Samuel Butler's lines: “He that will win his dame must do/ As love does when he bends his bow,/ With one hand thrust his lady from/ And with the other pull her home.”

221 ἐνεῖναι μὲν . . . ἐνεῖναι δέ: the slight artificiality of the anaphora matches well with the Gorgian jingle κελεῦον . . . κωλῦον. Cf. Iambl.Protrept. p. 41 Postelli ἔστι γὰρ τοιοῦτον ὃ κελεύει καὶ κωλύει.

222 The “pulls” are distinguished verbally from the passions that are their instruments.νοσημάτων suggests the Stoic doctrine that passions are diseases. Cf. Cicero Tusc. iii. 4perturbationes, and passim, and Philebus 45 C.

223 λογιστικόν is one of Plato's many synonyms for the intellectual principle. Cf. 441 C, 571 C, 587 D, 605 B. It emphasizes the moral calculation of consequences, as opposed to blind passion. Cf. Crito 46 B (one of the passages which the Christian apologists used to prove that Socrates knew the λόγος), Theaetetus 186 Cἀναλογίσματα πρός τε οὐσίαν καὶ ὠφέλειαν, and Laws 644 D. Aristotle Eth. 1139 a 12 somewhat differently.

224 ἐπτόηται: almost technical, as in Sappho's ode, for the flutter of desire.ἀλόγιστον, though applied here to the ἐπιθυμητικόν only, suggests the bipartite division of Aristotle, Eth. Nic. 1102 a 28.

225 So the bad steed which symbolizes the ἐπιθυμητικόν in Phaedrus 253 E is ἀλαζονείας ἑταῖρος.

226 We now approach the distinctively Platonic sense of θυμός as the power of noble wrath, which, unless perverted by a bad education, is naturally the ally of the reason, though as mere angry passion it might seem to belong to the irrational part of the soul, and so, as Glaucon suggets, be akin to appetite, with which it is associated in the mortal soul of the Timaeus 69 D. In Laws 731 B-C Plato tells us again that the soul cannot combat injustice without the capacity for righteous indignation. The Stoics affected to deprecate anger always, and the difference remained a theme of controversy between them and the Platonists. Cf. Schmidt, Ethik der Griechen, ii. pp. 321 ff., Seneca, De ira, i. 9, and passim. Moralists are still divided on the point. Cf. Bagehot, Lord Brougham: “Another faculty of Brougham . . . is the faculty of easy anger. The supine placidity of civilization is not favorable to animosity [Bacon's word for θυμός].” Leslie Stephen, Science of Ethics, pp. 60 ff. and p. 62, seems to contradict Plato: “The supposed conflict between reason and passion is, as I hold, meaningless if it is taken to imply that the reason is a faculty separate from the emotions,” etc. But this is only his metaphysics. On the practical ethical issue he is with Plato.

227 Socrates has heard and trusts a, to us, obscure anecdote which shows how emotion may act as a distinct principle rebuking the lower appetites or curiosities. Leontius is unknown, except for Bergk's guess identifying him with the Leotrophides of a corrupt fragment of Theopompus Comicus, fr. 1 Kock, p. 739.

228 He was following the outer side of the north wall up the city. Cf. Lysis 203 A, Frazer, Paus. ii. 40, Wachsmuth, Stadt Athen, i. p. 190.

229 The corpses were by, near, or with the executioner (ὁ ἐπὶ τῷ ὀρύγματι) whether he had thrown them into the pit (βάραθρον) or not.

230 Cf. Antiphon fr. 18 Kock PLHGEI/S, TE/WS ME\N E)PEKRA/TEI TH=S SUMFORA=S, etc., and “Maids who shrieked to see the heads/ Yet shrieking pressed more nigh.”

231 He apostrophizes his eyes, in a different style from Romeo's, “Eyes, look your last.”

232 αὐτόν: we shift from the θυμός to the man and back again.

233 ἀντιπράττειν: that is, opposite the reason. It may be construed with δεῖν or as the verb of αὐτόν. There are no real difficulties in the passage, though many have been found. The order of the words and the anacoluthon are intentional and effective. Cf. on 434 C.οὐκ ἂν . . . ποτέ is to literal understanding an exaggeration. But Plato is speaking of the normal action of uncorrupted θυμός. Plato would not accept the psychology of Euripides'Medea（1079-1080):καὶ μανθάνω μὲν οἷα δρᾶν μέλλω κακά, θυμὸς δὲ κρείσσω τῶν ἐμῶν βουλευμάτων. Cf. Dr. Loeb's translation of Décharme, p. 340.

234 αἱροῦντος: cf. 604 C, and L. and S. s.v. A. II. 5.

235 So Aristotle Rhet. 1380 b 17οὐ γίγνεται γὰρ ἡ ὀργὴ πρὸς τὸ δίκαιον, and Eth. Nic. 1135 b 28ἐπὶ φαινομένῃ γὰρ ἀδικίᾳ ἡ ὀργή ἐστιν. This is true only with Plato's reservation γενναιότερος. The baser type is angry when in the wrong.

236 Cf. Demosthenes xv. 10 for the same general idea.

237 ὃ λέγω: idiomatic, “as I was saying.”

238 ἐν τούτῳ: possibly “in such an one,” preferably “in such a case.”θυμός is plainly the subject of ζεῖ. (Cf. the physiological definition in Aristotle De anima 403 a 31ζέσιν τοῦ περὶ τὴν καρδίαν αἵματος), and so, strictly speaking, of all the other verbs down to λήγει. καὶ διὰ τὸ πεινῆν . . . πάσχειν is best taken as a parenthesis giving an additional reason for the anger, besides the sense of injustice.

239 τῶν γενναίων: i.e. the θυμός of the noble, repeating ὅσῳ ἂν γενναιότερος ᾖ above. The interpretation “does not desist from his noble (acts)” destroys this symmetry and has no warrant in Plato's use of γενναῖος. Cf. 375 E, 459 A. The only argument against the view here taken is that “θυμός is not the subject of λήγει,” which it plainly is. The shift from θυμός to the man in what follows is no difficulty and is required only by τελευτήσῃ, which may well be a gloss. Cf. A.J.P. xvi. p. 237.

240 καίτοι γε calls attention to the confirmation supplied by the image. Cf on 376 B, and my article in Class. Journ. vol. iii. p. 29.

241 Cf. 440 B and Phaedrus 237 E.

242 It still remains to distinguish the λογιστικόν from θυμός, which is done first by pointing out that young children and animals possess θυμός(Cf. Laws 963 E, Aristotle Politics 1334 b 22 ff.), and by quoting a line of Homer already cited in 390 D, and used in Phaedo 94 E, to prove that the soul, regarded there as a unit, is distinct from the passions, there treated as belonging to the body, like the mortal soul of the Timaeus. See Unity of Plato's Thought, pp. 42-43.

243 Cf. Parmenides 137 A, Pindar, Ol. xiii. 114ἐκνεῦσαι.

244 Cf. 435 B.

245 Cf. Meno 73 C, Hippias Major 295 D. A virtual synonym for τῷ αὐτῷ εἶδει, Meno 72 E.

246 ὅτου: cf. 431 Bοὗ, and 573 Dὧν.

247 Cf. 411 E, 412 A.

248 Cf. on 433 B-E, 443 D, and Charmides 161 B.

249 Cf. on 431 A-B, Laws 689 A-B.

250 Strictly speaking, pleasure is in the mind, not in the body. Cf. Unity of Plato's Thought, n. 330.καλουμένων implies the doctrine of the Gorgias 493 E, 494 C, Philebus 42 C, Phaedrus 258 E, and 583 B-584 A, that the pleasures of appetite are not pure or real. Cf. Unity of Plato's Thought, n. 152. Cf. on λεγομένων431 C.

251 Cf. on 426 E, 606 B.

252 προσῆκον: sc.ἐστὶν ἄρχειν. γένει, by affinity, birth or nature. Cf. 444 B. q reads γενῶν.

253 Cf. 389 D.

254 Cf. 415 E.

255 Cf. Isocrates xii. 138αὕτη γάρ ἐστιν ἡ βουλευομένη περὶ ἁπάντων.

256 Cf. 429 C-D

257 Cf. Goodwin's Greek Grammar, 1027.

258 ἔχον: anacoluthic epexegesis, corresponding to ὅταν . . . διασώζῃ. αὖ probably marks the correspondence.

259 ᾧ πολλάκις: that is, by the principle of τὸ ἑαυτοῦ πράττειν.

260 ἀπαμβλύνεται: is the edge or outline of the definition blunted or dimmed when we transfer it to the individual?

261 The transcendental or philosophical definition is confirmed by vulgar tests. The man who is just in Plato's sense will not steal or betray or fail in ordinary duties. Cf. Aristotle Eth. Nic. 1178 b 16ἢ φορτικὸς ὁ ἔπαινος. . . to say that the gods are σώφρονες. Similarly Plato feels that there is a certain vulgarity in applying the cheap tests of prudential morality (Cf. Phaedo 68 C-D) to intrinsic virtue. “Be this,” is the highest expression of the moral law. “Do this,” eventually follows. Cf. Leslie Stephen, Science of Ethics, pp. 376 and 385, and Emerson, Self-Reliance: “But I may also neglect the reflex standard, and absolve me to myself . . . If anyone imagines that this law is lax, let him keep its commandment one day.” The Xenophontic Socrates (Xenophon Memorabilia iv. 4. 10-11 and iv. 4. 17) relies on these vulgar tests.

262 Cf. on 332 A and Aristotle Rhet. 1383 b 21.

263 ὅ: Cf. on 434 D.

264 The contemplation of the εἴδωλον, image or symbol, leads us to the reality. The reality is always the Platonic Idea. The εἴδωλον, in the case of ordinary “things,” is the material copy which men mistake for the reality (516 A). In the case of spiritual things and moral ideas, there is no visible image or symbol (Politicus 286 A), but imperfect analogies, popular definitions, suggestive phrases, as τὰ ἑαυτοῦ πράττειν, well-meant laws and institutions serve as the εἴδωλα in which the philosophic dialectician may find a reflection of the true idea. Cf. on 520 C, Sophist 234 C, Theaetetus 150 B.

265 Cf. Timaeus 86 D, Laws 731 E, Apology 23 A. The reality of justice as distinguished from the εἴδωλον, which in this case is merely the economic division of labor. Adam errs in thinking that the real justice is justice in the soul, and the εἴδωλον is justice in the state. In the state too the division of labor may be taken in the lower or in the higher sense. Cf. on 370 A, Introduction p. xv.

266 μὴ ἐάσαντα . . . δόχαν444 A: Cf. Gorgias 459 C, 462 C. A series of participles in implied indirect discourse expand the meaning of τὴν ἐντός（πρᾶξιν), and enumerate the conditions precedent (resumed in οὕτω δή443 E; Cf. Protagoras 325 A) of all action which is to be called just if it tends to preserve this inner harmony of the soul, and the reverse if it tends to dissolve it. The subject of πράττειν is anybody or Everyman. For the general type of sentence and the Stoic principle that nothing imports but virtue cf. 591 E and 618 C.

267 Cf. on 433 E.

268 Cf. Gorgias 491 D where Callicles does not understand.

269 Cf. Gorgias 504.

270 Cf. 621 C and on 352 A.

271 The harmony of the three parts of the soul is compared to that of the three fundamental notes or strings in the octave, including any intervening tones, and so by implication any faculties of the soul overlooked in the preceding classification. Cf. Plutarch, Plat. Quest. 9. Proclus, p. 230 Kroll.ὥσπερ introduces the images, the exact application of which is pointed by ἀτεχνῶς. Cf. on 343 C. The scholiast tries to make two octaves (δὶς διὰ πασῶν) of it. The technical musical details have at the most an antiquarian interest, and in no way affect the thought, which is that of Shakespeare's “For government, though high and low and lower,/ Put into parts, doth keep one in concent,/ Congreeing in a full and natural close/ Like music.” (Henry V. I. ii. 179) Cf. Cicero, De rep. ii. 42, and Milton (Reason of Church Government), “Discipline . . . which with her musical chords preserves and holds all the parts thereof together.”

272 Cf. Epin. 992 B. The idea was claimed for the Pythagoreans; cf. Zeller I. i. p. 463, Guyau, Esquisse d'une Morale, p. 109 “La moralité n'est autre chose que l'unité de l'être.” “The key to effective life is unity of life,” says another modern rationalist.

273 ὀνομάζοντα betrays a consciousness that the ordinary meaning of words is somewhat forced for edification. Cf. Laws 864 A-B and Unity of Plato's Thought, p. 9, n. 21. Aristotle (Eth. Nic. 1138 b 6) would regard all this as mere metaphor.

274 ἐπιστήμην . . . δόχαν: a hint of a fundamental distinction, not explicitly mentioned before in the Republic. Cf. Meno 97 B ff. and Unity of Plato's Thought, pp. 47-49. It is used here rhetorically to exalt justice and disparage injustice.ἀμαθία is a very strong word, possibly used here already in the special Platonic sense: the ignorance that mistakes itself for knowledge. Cf. Sophist.

275 ἐπιστατοῦσαν: Isocrates would have used a synonym instead of repeating the word.

276 Cf. 337 B.

277 στάσιν: cf. 440 E. It is defined in Sophist 228 B. Aristotle would again regard this as mere metaphor.

278 πολυπραγμοσύνην:434 B and Isocrates viii. 59.

279 συλλήβδην: summing up, as in Phaedo 69 B.

280 ὡς ἐκεῖνα: a proportion is thus usually stated in an ancoluthic apposition.

281 The common-sense point of view, “fit fabricando faber.” Cf. Aristotle Eth. Nic. 1103 a 32. In Gorgias 460 B, Socrates argues the paradox that he who knows justice does it. Cf. Unity of Plato's Thought, p. 11, n. 42.

282 Cf. the generalization of ἔρως to include medicine and music in Symposium 186-187, and Timaeus 82 A, Laws 906 C, Unity of Plato's Thought, n. 500.

283 The identification of virtue with spiritual health really, as Plato says (445 A), answers the main question of the Republic. It is not explicitly used as one of the three final arguments in the ninth book, but is implied in 591 B. It is found “already” in Crito 47 D-E. Cf. Gorgias 479 B

284 κακία . . . αἶσχος:Sophist 228 E distinguishes two forms of κακία: νόσος or moral evil, and ignorance or αἰσχος. Cf. Gorgias 477 B.

285 ἐάν τε . . . ἐάν τε: Cf. 337 C, 367 E, 427 D, 429 E.

286 Cf. Gorgias 512 A-B, and on 380 B.

287 Cf. on 456 D. On the following argumentum ex contrario Cf. on 336 E.

288 Cf. on 353 D and Aristotle De anima 414 a 12 ff. Cf. Unity of Plato's Thought, p. 41.

289 Cf. 577 D, Gorgias 466 E. If all men desire the good, he who does evil does not do what he really wishes.

290 ὅσον . . . κατιδεῖν is generally taken as epexegetic of ἐνταῦθα. It is rather well felt with οὐ χρὴ ἀποκάμνειν.

291 Cf. Apology 25 C.

292 ἅ γε δὴ καὶ ἄξια θέας: for καί Cf. Sophist 223 A, 229 D, Timaeus 83 C, Politicus 285 B, and 544 A, C-D. By the strict theory of ideas any distinction may mark a class, and so constitute an idea. (Cf. De Platonis Idearum Doctrina, pp. 22-25.) But Plato's logical practice recognizes that only typical or relevant “Ideas” are worth naming or considering. The Republic does not raise the metaphysical question how a true idea is to be distinguished from a part or from a partial or casual concept. Cf. Unity of Plato's Thought, pp. 52-53, n. 381, Politicus 263 A-B.

293 Cf. 588 B, Emerson, Nominalist and Realist, ii. p. 256: “We like to come to a height of land and see the landscape, just as we value a general remark in a conversation.” Cf. Lowell, Democracy, Prose Works, vi. 8: “He who has mounted the tower of Plato to look abroad from it will never hope to climb another with so lofty a vantage of speculation.” From this and 517 A-B, the ἀνάβασις became a technical or cant term in Neoplatonism.

294 ἓν μέν, etc.: perhaps a faint remembrance of the line ἐσθλοὶ μὲν γὰρ ἁπλῶς, παντοδαπῶς δὲ κακοί, quoted by Aristotle Eth. Nic. 1106 b 35. It suggests Plato's principle of the unity of virtue, as ἄπειρα below suggests the logical doctrine of the Philebus 16 and Parmenides 145 A, 158 B-C that the other of the definite idea is the indefinite and infinite.

295 The true state is that in which knowledge governs. It may be named indifferently monarchy, or aristocracy, according as such knowledge happens to be found in one or more than one. It can never be the possession of many. Cf. 494 A. The inconsistencies which some critics have found between this statement and other parts of the Republic, are imaginary. Hitherto the Republic has contemplated a plurality of rulers, and such is its scheme to the end. But we are explicitly warned in 540 D and 587 D that this is a matter of indefference. It is idle then to argue with Immisch, Krohn, and others that the passage marks a sudden, violent alteration of the original design.